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FAULKNER'S 



HISTORY OF THE PiEVOLUTION 



IN THE 



SOUTHERN STATES; 



THE SPECIAL MESSAGES OP PEESIDENT BUCHANAN— THE ORDINANCES 
OF SECESSION OF THE SIX WITHDRAWING STATES— PRELIMINARY 
STEPS TAKEN THEREFOR— SEIZURE OF FORTS AND ARSENALS- 
MEASURES COERCIVE AND CONCILIATORY ON THE PART OF 
THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT— MESSAGES OF THE GOVERN- 
ORS OF STATES NORTH AND SOUTH— BIOGRAPHICAL 
SKETCHES OF LEADING MEN— CALHOUN'S REMARKA- 
BLE DREAM— PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICA- 
TION PROCLAMATION, ETC., ETC., ETC. 






NEW YORK: 
FOR SALE BY ALL BOOKSELLERS 

1861. 



E440 



k^acN 01- my 



1 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1861, by 

T. C. FAULKNER, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States lor the Southern District 
of New York. 



e- ~:7a>- 



JOHN F. TROW. 

PRINTBE, 6TKKE0TVPEE, AND ELECTROTVPIB, 

63 Greene Street, New York. 



HISTORY 



OF THE 



SEOESSIOlSr EEYOLUTIOE". 



The occurrences which have led to the withdrawal of six States from 
the Confederation, and the threatened dismemberment of the whole Union, 
through civil war, will be found accurately set forth in these pages. It 
is the purpose of the author only to state facts— leaving the reader to 
form his own conclusions — the intention being merely to present, in a 
concise form, the history of the revolution which is now sweeping onward 
in the land. 

The close of the sixtieth year of the nineteenth century is a period 
that will be made memorable in the annals, not only of this, but of all na- 
tions, for then it was that monarchies and empires turned tlieir gaze At- 
lantic-ward, and watched with anxiety the effect of acts which must soon 
result seriously, for good or evil. We, as a nation, had just succeeded in a 
great commercial enterprise ; had induced the rulers of a country, hith- 
erto comparatively unknown to the civilized world, not only to treat with 
us, but to send ambassadors to ratify that treaty of commerce and amity. 
The people of the country, North and South, had done all in their power 
to produce a favorable impression upon these distinguished strangers, and 
had succeeded w^ell. They had been sent from our shores bearing many 
tokens of our friendship and good will. 

During that year we had also entertained the heir to one of the most 
powerful kingdoms in the world, and extended to hira a true American 
hospitality, both at the seat of government and at our own commercial 
metropolis. 

Our acts therefore during the year 1860, were such as, in many re- 
spects, to call the attention of foreign Powers to the rapid strides we were 
making towards wealth and prosperity. 

In this year then, of the height of our nation's prosperity, the first 

blow was struck which severed this band of States, that for eighty-four 

ears had remained united. In 1832, w^hen the people of the State of 



4 THE SECESSION OF SOUTH CAEOLINA. 

South Carolina refused to comply with the federal laws, and rebelled 
against the power of the general goverutnent, General Jackson, by prompt 
measures, quelled the rebellion, and restored that peace which, until that 
time aud subsequently, reigned through the country. 

The Primary Cause, 

As every thing must have its origin in something, so with this move- 
ment of secession. This originated from an expressed sentiment among 
the people of the South that, if a Republican President was elected, they 
would secede from the Union. In no other place was this feeling more 
openly expressed than in South Carolina. The Southern press reiterated the 
threats made by their public men, and sedulously inflamed the minds of the 
entire people, until at last, while all were looking towards South Carolina, 
each of the Soutliern States were, to a greater or less degree, preparing to 
follow her when she should withdraw from the Union. Thus, as the 
mouths rolled on, and the time approached when the people of the whole 
confederacy would be called upon to select a ruler for the next four years, 
the barrier seemed raising slowly but surely, and it needed but the declara- 
tion of the people on the sixth of November, to throw this demarcating 
wall to such a towering height as to completely darken the whole horizon, 
mental and social. Then commenced the strife of words so soon to reach 
that of war. 

The Secession of South Carolina. 

South Carolina, the pioneer of the seceding States, is about 200 miles 
in length and 160 iu breadth, containing 30,213 square miles, or 19,336,320 
acres, bounded F. by N". Carolina ; S. E., by the Atlantic Ocean ; S. W,, 
by Georgia, from which it is separated by the Savannah river. The 
population in 1860, was 715,371, 407,185 of whom were slaves. The 
State is divided into 29 districts, as follows : Abbeville, Anderson, Barn- 
well, Beaufort, Charleston, Chester, Chesterfield, Colleton, Darlington, 
Edgefield, Fairfield, Georgetown, Greenville, Ilorry, Kershaw, Lancaster, 
Laurens, Lexington, Marion, Marlborough, Newberry, Orangeburg, Pick- 
ens, Richland, Spartanburg, Sumter, Union, Williamsburg, York. Colum- 
bia is the seat of government. 

The country on the sea-coast is level for 100 miles towards the interior, 
aft^r which is a range of sand liills, and beyond these a diversity of hill 
and dale which is very fertile. The climate is healthy in the interior, and 
sickly on the sea-coast in summer and autumn. The principal rivers are 
the Pedee, Santee, Cooper, Ashley, Edisto, and Savannah. The staple 
productions are cotton, rice, Indian corn, potatoes, wheat, peas, rye, oats, 
tobacco, indigo, lumber, oils, silks, tar, pitch, and turpentine. Charleston 
is the leading commercial port of the State. 

The first constitution of South Carolina was formed in 1775, the first 
formed in the Union. The present constitution was ratified June 3, 1790. 
In 1670 the first permanent settlement was made in South Carolina by a 



THE SECESSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 6 

small body of English emigrants at Port Royal Island. In 1679 they 
removed to Charleston, then styled Oyster Point. In 1706 the French 
and Spaniards made an attack on Charleston, and were defeated. In 1715 
the Yemasee Indians were defeated by Governor Craven. In 1720 the 
government of the Crown was established. In 1775 the first military 
force was raised for the defence of the colony against the Crown, and the 
importation of British goods was prohibited. In 1776 the British attacked 
Fort Moultrie and were defeated. In 1780 Charleston was besieged by 
Sir Henry Clinton, and taken at the end of six weeks. In 1782 the 
British evacuated Charleston. In 1794 cotton was first exported. In 
1822 an insurrection among the negroes at Charleston was defeated. In 
1833 President Jackson and Gov. Haynes issued counter proclamations on 
the subject of nullification, originating in the tariff". The State in conven- 
tion adopted the constitution of the United States, May 23, 1788 — Yeas, 
149; IsTays, 73. December 20, 1860, tlie State, in convention, threw off 
her allegiance to the Union, and was proclaimed a free and independent 
sovereignty. 

Following the general election of the sixth of November, South Caro- 
lina, as every one south, and very many north, expected she would, 
moved. Steps were taken to perfect the act of secession, and for this 
purpose the people were called upon to select delegates to a convention, 
which should seriously consider the step about to be taken, and for which 
there seemed such imperative necessity. The election for these delegates 
took place on the 6th of December. The delegates to the convention as- 
sembled on the 17th of December at Columbia, but, owing to the preva- 
lence of small-pox in that city, removed to Charleston. 

The legislature of the State convened at Charleston on the 17th, when 
Governor Pickens delivered his inaugural address, which concluded as fol- 
lows : — 

We now have no alternative left but to interpose our sovereign power 
as an independent State, to protect the rights and ancient privileges of the 
people of South Carolina. 

This State was one of the original parties to the federal compact of the 
Union. We agreed to it as a State under peculiar circumstances, wlien 
we were surrounded with great external pressure, for purposes of national 
protection, and for the general welfare of all tlie States, equally and alike ; 
and when it ceases to do this, it is no longer a perpetual Union. It 
would be an absurdity to suppose it was a perpetual Union for our ruin. 
The constitution is a compact between co-States, and not with the Federal 
Government. 

I think I am not assuming too much, when I say tliat her interests 
will lead her to open her ports to the tonnage and trade of all nations, re- 
serving to herself the right to discriminate only against those who may 
be our public enemies. 

She has fine harbors, accessible to foreign commerce, and she is in the 
centre of those extensive agricultural productions that enter so largely into 
the foreign trade and commerce of the world, and form the basis of those 
comforts, in food and clothing, so essential to the artisan and mechanic 
laborers in the higher latitudes, and which are also so essential to the 
prosperity and success of manufacturing capital in the Korth and in 
Europe. I therefore may safely say it is for the benefit of all who may 



6 THE SECESSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 

be interested in commerce, in manufactures, in the comforts of artisan 
and mechanic laborers everywhere, to make such speedy and peaceful ar- 
rangements with us as may advance the interests and happiness of all con- 
cerned. 

There is one thing certain, and I think it due to the country to say 
in advance, that South Carolina is resolved to assert her separate inde- 
pendence, and as she acceded separately to the compact of Union, so she 
will most assuredly secede, separately and alone, be the consequences what 
they may ; and I think it right to say, with no unkind feeling whatever, 
that on this point there can be no compromise, let it be oflered from where 
it may. The issues are too grave and too momentous, to admit of any 
counsel that looks to any thing but direct and straightforward independ- 
ence. In the present emergency, the most decided measures are the 
safest and wisest. To our sister States who are identified with us in in- 
terest and feeling, we will cordially and kindly look for co-operation and 
for a future Union ; but it must be after we have asserted and resumed 
our original and inalienable rights and powers of sovereignty and inde- 
pendence. 

We can then form a government with them, having a common inter- 
est with people of homogeneous feelings, united together by all the ties 
that can bind States in one common destiny. From the position we may 
occupy towards the Northern States, as well as from our own internal 
structure of society, the government may, from necessity, become strongly 
military in its organization. When we look back upon the inheritance, 
the common glories and triumphant power of this common confederacy, 
no language can express the feelings of the human lieart, as we turn from 
the contemplation, and sternly look to the great future that opens before 
us. It is our sincere desire to separate from the States of the North in 
peace, and leave them to develop their own civilization, according to 
their own sense of duty and of interest. But if, under the guidance of am- 
bition and fanaticism, they decide otherwise, then be it so. We are pre- 
pared for any event, and, in humble reliance upon that Providence who 
presides over tlie destiny of men and of nations, we will endeavor to do 
our duty faithfully, bravely, and honestly. 

Immediately following this, decisive mcasui'es were taken, and after 
meeting from day to day, on the 20th December the convention passed 
the following ordinance of secession : — ■ 

An Ordinance to dissolve the union hetween the State of South Carolina 
and other States united with her under the com])act entitled the Con- 
stitution of the United States of America. 

We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assem- 
bled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that 
the ordinance adopted by us, in convention, on the 23d day of May, in the 
year of our Lord 1788, whereby the constitution of the United States of 
America was ratified, and also all acts and parts of acts of the General 
Assembly of this State ratifying amendments of the said constitution, are 
hereby repealed, and that the union now subsisting between South Caro- 
lina and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is 
liereby dissolved. 

The ordinance received the unanimous vote of the convention — 169 — 
and was ordered to be engrossed on parchment, and to be publicly signed 
on the following Monday. The news of this act on the part of South 
Carolina was received with conflicting emotions, according to the locality 
in which it fell. At the South it was greeted with the most rapturous 



DECLARATION OP THE rNDEPENDENCE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 7 

expressions of satisfaction and explosions of powder; at the North and 
"West with feelings of regret and sorrow. Many of the people at the 
North gave little thought that South Carolina would remain true to her 
intention, and felt that it would but require conciliatory steps on the part 
of the North to induce her to resume her relations in a short time. Still 
all felt the necessity for some action on the part of the Executive, and 
eyes were turned "Washington-ward for advice and information. 

The message of the President, which was delivered to Congress on the 
4th of December, had already been referred to appropriate committees, 
and on the 6th, a committee of thirty-three was appointed by the House 
of Representatives to take measures for the perpetuity of the Union. 

Inasmuch as the events which crowd into this period, the closing 
month of the last year, came thick and fast ; one after another alarming 
note being sounded in quick succession, it may be well to glance at the 
immediate effects of the secession of South Carolina. 

After the signing of the secession ordinance at Charleston, which was 
accomplished on the 29th of December, the convention took measures for 
the government of the republic which they had raised, and issued the fol- 
lowing declaration of the causes which justified the secession of South Car- 
olina from the Federal Union, as reported by the committee to prepare an 
address to the people of the Southern States : 

Declaration of the Independence of South Carolina. 

" The State of South Carolina having determined to resume a separate 
and equal rank among nations, deems it due to herself and the remaining 
United States of America, and the nations of the world, that she should 
declare the causes which led to the act. In 1765, that portion of the 
British empire, embracing Great Britain, undertook to inake laws for the 
government of the American colonies. A struggle for the right of self- 
government ensued, which resulted on the 4th of July. 1776, in"a declara- 
tion by the colonies, that they are, and of right ouglit to be, free and 
independent States, and that as free and independent States they have full 
power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, 
and to do such things as independent States have the right to do. They 
further solemnly declared, that whenever any form of government becomes 
destructive of these ends, it is the established right of the people to alter 
and abolish it, and institute a new government. Deeming that the gov- 
ernment of Great Britain had become destructive of these ends, they de- 
clared the colonies free and absolved from allegiance to the British crown, 
and the political connection between them and Great Britain w.as totally 
dissolved. 

The committee say the right of a State to govern itself, and the right 
of the people to abohsh a government when it becomes destructive of the 
ends for which it was instituted, were expressed when the colonies sepa- 
rated from the mother country, and became free and independent States. 
The parties amending the convention of the 17th of September, 1787, were 
the several sovereign States. 

On the 23d of May, 1788, South Carolina, by a convention of her peo- 
ple, assented to the amended constitution of the United States. The fail- 
ure of one of the contracting parties to maintain the constitutional obliga- 
tions released the other. Fifteen of the northern States have deliberately 
refused for years to fulfil their constitutional obligations. We would refer 



8 DECLARATION OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 

to those States for a proof of this. When the fourth article of the consti- 
tution was adopted, the greater number of the contracting parties held 
slaves. The hostility of the northern States to the institution of slavery 
has led them to disregard their constitutional obligations. The laws of 
the general government have ceased to effect the objects of the constitu- 
tion. Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, 
Ehode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Michigan, 
"Wisconsin, and Iowa, have enacted laws either nullifying the constitution, 
or rendering useless all attempts to execute the act of Congress. In many 
of these States fugitives " held to service and to labor," have been claimed, 
but in none of them has the State government complied with the stipulation 
on this subject made in the constitution. 

In the formation of the federal government each State was recognized 
as an equal ; the right and property in slaves was recognized, by giving all 
free persons distinct political rights ; by giving them the right to repre- 
sent, and burdening them with direct taxes for three-fifths of their slaves ; 
by authorizing the importation of slaves for twenty years, and by stipu- 
lating for the rendition of fugitives from labor. The ends for which this 
government was instituted have been defeated, and the government itself 
made destructive by the action of the non-slaveholding States. Those 
States assume the right of deciding upon the propriety of our domestic in- 
stitutions. They denied the rights of property established in fifteen States 
and recognized by the constitution. They have denounced sinful the 
institution of slavery ; have permitted an open establishment of societies 
whose avowal and object are, to disturb the peace and prosperity of the 
citizens of other States; they have encouraged and assisted thousands of 
our slaves to leave their homes, and those who I'emain have been incited 
by emissaries, by books and pictures, to servile insurrection. 

Twenty-five years this agitation has been steadily increasing, until 
they have secured the power of the common government. Observing the 
forms of the constitution, a sectional party has found within that article, 
establisliing an executive department, means of subverting the constitution 
itself. A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all States 
north of that line have united in the elevation of a man to the high office 
of President of the United States, wliose opinions and purposes are hostile 
to slavery. He is to be intrusted with the administration of the common 
government, because it is declared tliat a government cannot endure per- 
manently half slave and half free, and that the public mind must rest in 
the belief that slavery is in the course of ultimate extinction. This sec- 
tional combination for the subversion of the constitution has been aided 
in the States by elevating to citizenship persons who, by the supreme law 
of the land, are incapable of becoming citizens, and their votes liave been 
used to inaugurate the new policy hostile to the South, and destructive to 
its peace and safety. 

On the 4th of March next, this party will take possession of the gov- 
ernment. . It has been announced that the South shall be excluded from 
the common territory ; that the judicial tribunals will be made sectional ; 
that war must be waged against slavery until it shall cease throughout the 
United States. The guarantees of the constitution wiU then no longer ex- 
ist — equal rights of the States will be lost — the slaveholding States will no 
longer have the power of self-government or self-protection, and the fed- 
eral government will have become their enemy. Sectional interests and ani- 
mosity will deepen the irritation, and all hope of remedy is rendered vain 
by the fact that the public opinion of the North has iuvested the political 
error with the sanction of a more erroneous religious belief. 

We, therefore, the people of South Carolina, by our delegates in con- 
vention assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the 
rectitude of our intentions, have solemnly declared the union heretofore 



THE EFFECTS OF SECESSION. 9 

existing between tliis State and the other States of North America, dis- 
solved, and that the State of South Carolina has resumed her position 
among the nations of the world as a free, sovereign, independent State, 
with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish 
commerce, and do all other acts and things Avhich independent States may 
of right do ; and for the suppoi-t of this declaration, with a firm reliance 
for protection on Divine Providence, we mutually pledge each other our 
lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.'" 

The Effects of Secession. 

Major Anderson was, at this time, in command of the fortifications in 
Charleston harbor, and occupied Fort Moultrie. Previous to the passage 
of the ordinance of secession, the sentiment at the North was that the 
federal troops at this port should be reinforced ; as, in the event of South 
Carolina seceding, it might be deemed advisable to use compulsory meas- 
ures for the purpose of collecting the revenue or enforcing the laws. It 
was well known that there was not that unanimity of feeling in the Cabi- 
net, or inflexibility of purpose in the President, which should characterize 
the Chief Magistrate of the Republic ; but, until the resignation of Howell 
Cobb, of Georgia, from his position as Secretary of the Treasury, which 
took place on the 11th of December, and the immediately subsequent dis- 
covery of the bankruptcy of the Treasury, it was not really felt to what 
condition we had been reduced. Philip F. Thomas, of the Patent Ofiice, 
was appointed to the vacancy in the Treasury Department on the 12th, 
and on the same day, General Scott arrived in Washington, having been 
telegraphed for from New York. On the 14th, Hon. Lewis Cass, Secre- 
tary of State, resigned his seat in the Cabinet, and the complexion of 
affairs at Washington gave no hope to the coimtry that the crisis thus 
precipitating would be firmly met. So utterly despairing indeed was the 
President, that on the 15th, he appointed the 4th of January, 1861, to be 
observed as a day of fasting and prayer for the salvation of the Union. 

The situation of Major Anderson at Fort Moultrie now became immi- 
nently critical, and the press and people at the North urged upon the 
President his reinforcement, while the people at Charleston, with equal 
pertinacity, insisted that the post should not onlj- not be reinforced, but 
evacuated. Thus between Washington and Charleston was public atten- 
tion divided ; the people of the North and South, alternately, hoping and 
despairing, as the vacillation of the Administration became more apparent. 
On the 23d of December, a heavy defalcation was discovered in the 
Department of the Interior — $870,000 in Indian bonds, having been ab- 
stracted from that bureau. On the 24th, the people of Pittsburg became 
intensely excited at the attempt to remove seventy-eight large pieces of 
ordnance from the arsenal at that place, to Newport, near Galveston Island, 
Texas, and forty-six more to Ship Island, near Belize, at the mouth of the 
Mississippi lliver, the apparent object being to strip the Alleghany Arsenal, 
and place the guns where the secessionists could get them. The excite- 
ment was soon allayed, but the circumstance only tended to call attention 
to the movements which had taken place for some time in the removal of 



10 MAJOR ANDERSON'S COUP DE ETAT. 

arms from Northern arsenals to Southern points. In fact, this movement 
Tvas not unusual, as it subsequently appeared ; the arms being distributed 
in accordance with orders which had been issued from the War Depart- 
ment during the summer. However, the public mind was ready to feed 
upon any thing exciting — no matter how trivial or unreasonable. 

Major Anderson's Coup de Etat. 

On the night of the 25th of December, the most successful coup de etat 
of Major Anderson was accomplished. An act was performed which caused 
intense excitement in every portion of the country, and, for a time, placed 
the name of that officer in every mouth. Major Anderson had dined in 
the city of Charleston on Christmas Day, and on returning to Fort Moul- 
trie waited until midnight, and then mustering his force of about seventy 
men, quietly and successfully removed to Fort Sumter, spiked the guns of 
Fort Moultrie, and set the gun carriages on fire. This movement was re- 
ceived in two entire different lights by the two sections. The people at 
the North were disposed to commend Major Anderson in the highest 
terms, while the people of Charleston determined to resent it. Major 
Anderson felt his position to be insecure at Moultrie, and therefore occu- 
pied Sumter, which is a stronger position, as will be seen from the follow- 
ing sketch : — 

FOET STTMTEE. 

This Fort is built upon an artificial island at the gate of the harbor, 
three and a half miles south-east of Charleston. It has been for ten years 
in course of construction ; the cost of the work has been over $500,000. 
The fortress is in the form of a demi- octagon; the truncated side being at 
the south, and the exterior faces presented toward all points of the main 
ship channel, and overlooking Charleston and Fort Moultrie. The walls 
are of solid brick masonry, ten feet in thickness, and in height sixty feet 
from the water line to the parapet. 

They are pierced for three tiers of guns, numbering in all a hundred 
and forty pieces, of all sizes. The upper tier, which is designed for mor- 
tars and twenty-four pounders, is unsheltered, but at such a height as to be 
beyond the reach of danger from balls of a naval attack. The others are be- 
neath bomb-proof casements, the lowest tier consisting of heavy Paixhans, 
carrying forty -two pound shot, and the intermediate of ten-inch Colurabiads. 
It is stated in the Charleston papers, that of seventy-five heavy guns now 
in the fort, only eleven of the Paixhans are fully mounted, nine of them 
being directed towards Fort Moultrie, and one towards Castle Pinckney. 
None of the Columbiads are in position. Four of the twenty-four pound- 
ers on the summit of the wall are mounted upon pivots, so as to sweep the 
horizon. 

In addition to these weightier preparations for defence, the walls are 
pierced everywhere for muskets, of which there are endless numbers ready 
and loaded. The magazine is stocked with grape, cannister, and shell. 
It contains seven hundred barrels of gunpowder. In his removal from 



RANGE OF COLUMBIAD SHELL GUNS. H 

Moultrie, Major Anderson carried with him all his stores and small-arms. 
The place is amply provisioned for a siege of six months. "Water is fur- 
nished by four largo cisterns. With regard to the offensive abilities ofi 
the fort, its guns will sweep every point of the compass. Their range 
averages three miles. 

rOKT MOULTEIE 

is an enclosed water-battery, having a front on the south, or water side, - 
of about 300 feet, and a depth of about 240 feet. It is built witli salient 
and re-entering angles on all sides, and is admirably adapted for defence, 
either from the attack of a storming party or by regular approaches. The 
outer and inner walls are of brick, capped with stone, and filled in with 
earth, making a solid wall fifteen or sixteen feet in thickness. The height 
of the wall, from the bottom of the ditch to the top of the parapet, is 
twenty feet. The ditch is from twelve to fifteen feet wide at the base, 
and fifteen feet deep. The nature of the soil would not seem to admit of 
this depth being increased, quicksand having been reached in many places. 
The counterscarp is substantially built of plank, and spread with turf. 
The glacis is also finished. It is composed of sand, and covered with lay- 
ers of loam and turf, all of which is kept firmly in place by the addition 
of sections of plank nailed to uprights sunk in the sand, and crossing each 
other at right angles — making squares of about ten feet each. The pur- 
pose of the glacis, which is an inclined plane, is to expose an attacking 
party to the fire of the guns — which are so placed as to sweep it from the 
crest of the counterscarp to the edge of the beach. On the north side, all 
the wooden gun cases have been placed close together on the ramparts, 
apparently for the purpose of securing it against an escalade, but possibly 
as a screen for a battery of heavy guns. Both bastionettes are armed 
with a small carronade, and a howitzer pointed laterally so as to command 
the whole intervening moat by a cross-fire. 

CASTLE PINCKNEY 

is located on the southern extremity of a narrow slip of marsh land, which 
extends in a northerly direction to Hog Island Channel. To the harbor 
side the so called castle presents a circular front. It has never been con- 
sidered of much consequence as a fortress, although its proximity to the 
city would give it importance, if properly armed and garrisoned. There 
are about fifteen guns mounted on the parapet ; the majority of them are 
eighteen and twenty-four pounders. Some '• Columbiads " are, liowever, 
within the walls. There are also supplies of powder, shot and shell. 

Range of Columbiad Shell Guns. 

The furthest range of a hundred-pound shell, even at an elevation of 
thirty-five degi-ees given to the gun, is 4,828 yards, the time of flight be- 
ing thirty-five seconds. Tlie great twelve-inch Columbiad, the largest gun 
made, loaded with twenty -five pounds of powder, a shell of 172 pounds, 
and the piece at an elevation of thirty -five degrees, has made a range of 
only 5,409 yards, the projectile occupying thirty -two seconds in its flight. 
By increasing the elevation to thirty-nine degrees, only one hundred yards 
more were gained in the range. From the same gun, with a charge of 
powder twenty-eight pounds, a shell of 180 pounds, and an elevation of 
thirty-five degrees, a range of 5,671 yards had been attained; at an eleva- 
tion of thirty-nine degrees, a range of 5,7G1 yards, (three and a third 
miles,) which is the greatest that has ever been accomplished by any gun 
in our service. The flight occupied thirty-sis seconds. Charleston is 



12 MAJOE ANBEESON'S COUP DE ETAT. 

therefore perfectly safe from the guns of Fort Sumter. If it were even 
within the furthest range of those guns, the angle of elevation necessary 
to accomplish such a distance is so extreme, that to hit the city would be 
a matter of extreme uncertainty. The guns of Fort Sumter can only 
be raised to an elevation of thirty-three degrees on account of the 
asemates, and consequently could do no damage beyond about two 
miles and a half. 

A ten-inch Columbiad, at an elevation of thirty-three degrees, will 

, throw a shell about three miles. There are no such guns in barbette at 

Fort Sumter, and if there are any casemate guns of that calibre, no such 

elevation could be had. The upper surface of tlie gun would strike against 

the top of the embrasure at an elevation far short of thirty-three degrees. 

Major Anderson was censured in some quarters for this movement, but 
it will be seen tliat he was vested with discretionary powers. 
His orders from the Secretary of "War were as follows : — 

" Memorandum of verbal instructions to Major Anderson, 1st Artillery, 
Commanding Fort Moultrie, South Carolina: 

"You are aware of the great anxiety of the Secretary of War that a 
collision of the troops with the people of this State shall be avoided, and 
of his studied determination to pursue a course with reference to the mili- 
tary force and forts in this harbor which shall guard against such a col- 
lision. He has, therefore, carefully abstained from increasing the force at 
this point, or taking any measures which might add to the present excited 
state of the public mind, or which would throw any doubt on the confi- 
dence he feels that South Carolina will not attempt by violence to obtain 
possession of the public works, or interfere with their occupancy. 

"But as the counsel and acts of rash and impulsive persons may possi- 
bly disappoint these expectations of the government, he deems it proper 
tliat you should be prepared with instructions to meet so unhappy a con- 
tingency. He has, therefore, directed me verbally to give you such 
instructions. 

" You are carefully to avoid every act which would needlessly tend to 
provoke aggression, and for that reason you are not, without necessity, to 
take up any position which could be construed iuto the assumption of a 
hostile attitude ; but you are to hold possession of the forts in this harbor, 
and if attacked, you are to defend yourself to the last extremity. 

" The smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy 
more than one of the three forts, but an attack on, or attempt to take pos- 
session of either of them, will be regarded as an act of hostility, and you 
may then put your command into either of them which you may deem 
most proper, to increase its power of resistance. You are also authorized 
to take similar steps, whenever you have tangible evidence of a design to 
proceed to a hostile act. . " D. P. Butler, 

" Assistant Adjutant-General." 
"Fort Moulteie, S. C, December 11, 1860." 

This movement on the part of Major Anderson led to the almost im- 
mediate seizure of Fort Moultrie and Castle Pinckney by the Charlesto- 
nians. They had calculated, it seems, on taking Fort Sumter without re- 
sistance ; and as it commands Fort Moultrie, they would have reduced 
that work, and taken Major Anderson and his command prisoners when- 
ever they chose. However, to console themselves, the people of Charles- 
ton resolved to occupy Castle Pinckney. a fort of minor impoi'tance. The 
Charleston Mercury gives the following account of the movement : 

" On the 27th the rifle battalion, under command of Colonel J. J. 



THE ATTACK ON THE STAR OF THE WEST. 18 

Pettigrew, assembled promptly upon the citadel green. They were sub- 
stantially equipped in winter uniform, Avith blankets, knapsacks, and re- 
volvers. The battalion numbered some 150 men, and consisted of detach- 
ments from the Meagher Guards, the Carolina liglit infantry, and the 
Washington light infantry. Shortly after four o'clock the word was given, 
and the companies advanced in double quick time, without music, toward 
the Cooper river. None of them, we believe, excepting the officers, were 
aware of their destination. They embarked on the steamer Nina^ which 
immediately headed for Castle Pinckncy, and the surmise soon became ^ 
confirmed that the destination of the command was to take possession of' 
that fortress. On nearing the fort, a number of men were observed on 
the wharf, one of whom, in advance of the others, was observed holding 
what appeared to be a paper in his hand. This was said to have been the 
riot act. As soon as the Nina touched the wharf, the storming party 
who had been detailed for that duty sprang ashore, and rushed round to 
the rear of the fortress, where the gate is situated. This was found 
closed, and a cry for storming ladders was soon answered by a detachment 
bearing a dozen or more of them. These were instantly planted, and un- 
der cover of the rifles of the battalion, the walls were escaladed and the 
gates thrown open. 

" On entering the fort it was found to be tenanted only by an officer of 
engineers and a small party of laborers — none of whom made any resist- 
ance. The engineer officer was informed that he was at liberty to leave, 
and remove his personal effects, and in a few minutes he set out in a boat 
belonging to the fort, accompanied by four other men. From the direc- 
tion in which he steered, it is supposed that he went to Fort Moultrie. 

" The flag of the Nina, consisting of a white star on a red ground, 
was then hoisted amidst loud cheers ; and Avlien our reporter left a strong 
guard had been mounted, and preparations for garrisoning the fortress 
were well advanced." 

The revenue-cutter William Aikin was also surrendered by her com- 
mander, and taken possession of by the Oharlestonians. 

First Lieut. Underwood, second in command of the revenue-cutter 
Aikin, states that Captain Coste, the commander of the cutter, was an 
avowed secessionist some time before South Carolina decided to go out, 
and agreed, when the State declared herself out of the Union, to resign, 
and turn the vessel over to him. Lieutenant Underwood ; but instead of 
doing so he visited Fort Sumter before Major Anderson took possession of 
it, and examined it for several hours, and finally placed the cutter in such 
a position as to leave her at low-water high and dry on land. While she 
was thus situated the secessionists took possession of her, Captain Coste 
being still in command, and Lieutenant Underwood, being his subordinate, 
was of course powerless to act. Captain Coste then informed Lieutenant 
Underwood that his services would not be required there any longer, and 
he proceeded immediately to Washington, and reported the facts to Secre 
tary Thomas. 

The Attack on the Star of the "West. 

While Major Anderson was in Fort Sumter, rumors were extensively 
circulated that he was in want of reinforcements and food. Accordingly 
on Saturday the 5th of January, the steamship Star of the West, Captain 
James McGowan, was chartered by the United States government to con- 



14 THE ATTACK ON THE STAR OF THE WEST. 

vey two hundred and fifty troops to Fort Sumter. The oflBcial account of 
the passage of the vessel and incidents of the trip, may best be given in 
Captain McGowan's own language : 

Capt. McGowan's Report. 

Steamship Star of the "West, New Yobk, Saturday, Jan. 12, 1861. 
M. O. Roberts, Esq. — Sm : After leaving the wharf on the 5th inst., 
at 5 o'clock P. M., we proceeded down the Bay, where we hove_ to, and 
took on board four officers and two hundred soldiers, with their arms, 
ammunition, &c., and then proceeded to sea, crossing the bar at Sandy 
Hook at 9 P. M. Nothing unusual took place during the passage, which 
was a pleasant one for this season of the year. 

We arrived at Charleston Bar at 1:30 A. M. on the 9th inst., but could 
find no guiding marks for the Bar, as the lights were all out. We pro- 
ceeded with caution, running very slow, and sounding, until about 4 A. M., 
being then in 4i fathoms water, when we discovered a light through the 
haze^hich at that time covered the horizon. Concluding that the lights 
were on Fort Sumter, after getting the bearings of it, we steered to the 
S. W, for the main ship-channel, where we hove to, to await daylight, our 
lio-hts having all been put out since 12 o'clock, to avoid being seen. 

" As the day began to break, we discovered a steamer just in shore of 
us, who, as soon as she saw us, burned one blue light and two red lights 
as'signals, and shortly after steamed over the bar and into the ship-chan- 
nel. The soldiers were now all put below, and no one allowed on deck 
except our own crew. As soon as there was light enough to see, we 
crossed the bar and proceeded on up the channel, (the outer bar buoy 
having been taken away,) the steamer ahead of us sending off rockets, and 
burning lights until after broad daylight, continuing on her course up 
nearly two miles ahead of us. When we arrived about two miles fi-om 
Fort Moultrie, Fort Sumter being about the same distance, a masked bat- 
tery on Morris Island, where there was a red Palmetto flag flying, opened 
fire upon us— distance, about five-eightbs of a mile. We had the Ameri- 
can flag flying at our flag-staff at the time, and soon after the first shot, 
hoisted a large American Ensign at the fore. We continued on under the 
fire of the batteiy for over ten minutes, several of the shots going clear 
over us. One shot passed just clear of the pilot-house, another passed 
between the smoke-stack and walking-beams of the engine, another struck 
the ship just abaft the fore-rigging and stove in the planking, while an- 
other came within an ace of carrying away the rudder. At the same time 
there was a movement of two steamers from near Fort Moultrie, one of 
them towing a schooner, (I presume an armed schooner,) withthe inten- 
tion of cutting us oft'. Our position now became rather critical, as we 
had to approach Fort Moultrie to within three-quarters of a mile before 
we could keep away for Fort Sumter. A steamer approaching us with an 
armed schooner in tow, and the battery on the island firing at us all the 
time, and having no cannon to defend ourselves from the attack of the 
vessels, we concluded that, to avoid certain capture or destruction, we 
would endeavor to get to sea. Consequently we wore round and steered 
down the channel, the battery firing upon us until the shot fell short. As 
it Avas now strong ebb tide, and the water having fallen some three feet_, 
we proceeded with caution, and crossed the bar safely at 8:50 A. M., and 
continued on our course for this port, where we arrived this morning 
after a boisterous passage. A steamer from Charleston followed us for 
about three hours, watching our movements. i • t 

In justice to the oflicers and crews of each department of the ship, I 
must add that their behavior, while under the fire of the battery, reflected 
great credit on them. 



THE ATTACK ON THE STAR OF THE WEST. 15 

Mr. Brewer, the New York pilot, was of very great assistance to mo 
in helping to pilot the ship over Charlestom Bar. and up and down the 
channel. 

Yery respectfully, your obedient servant, 

John McGowan, Captain. 

In consequence of the firing upon this vessel, Major Anderson de- 
spatched a flag of truce ashore, when the following correspondence took 
place : — 
To his Excellency the Governor of South Carolina : 

Sir — Two of your batteries fired this morning on an unarmed vessel, 
bearing the flagof my government. As I have not been notified that war 
has been declared by South Carolina against the United States, I cannot 
but think this a hostile act committed without your sanction or authority. 
Under that hope I refrain from opening a fire on your batteries. I have 
the honor, therefore, respectfully to ask whether the above-mentioned act 
— one which, I believe, is without parallel in the history of our country, 
or any other civilized government — was committed in obedience to your 
instructions, and notify you, if it is not disclaimed, that I regard it as an 
act of war. And I shall not, after reasonable time for the return of my 
messenger, permit any vessel to pass within the range of the guns of my 
fort. In order to save, as far as it is in my power, the shedding of blood, 
I beg you will take due notification of my decision for the good of all con- 
cerned. Hoping, however, your answer may justify a further continuance 
of forbearance on my part, 

I remain, respectfully, Robert Anderson. 

Governor Pickens, after stating the position of South Carolina to the 
United States, says, that any attempt to send United States troops into 
Charleston harbor to reinforce the forts, would be regarded as an act of 
of hostility ; and in conclusion adds, that any attempt to reinforce the 
troops at Fort Sumter, or to retake and I'esume possession of the forts 
within the waters of South Carolina — which Major Anderson abandoned 
after spiking the cannon and doing other damage — cannot be regarded 
by the authorities of the State as indicative of any other purpose than the 
coercion of the State by the armed force of the government. Special 
agents, therefore, have been off the bar to warn approaching vessels, 
armed and unarmed, having troops to reinforce Fort Sumter aboard, not 
to enter the harbor. Special orders have been given the commanders at 
the forts not to fire on such vessels until a shot across their bows should 
warn them of the prohibition of the State. 

Under these circumstances, the Star of the West, it is understood, this 
morning attempted to enter the harbor with troops, after having been 
notified she could not enter, and consequently she Avas fired into. The 
act is perfectly justified by me. In regard to your threat about vessels in 
the harbor, it is only necessary for me to say you must be the judge of 
your responsibility. Your position in the harbor has been tolerated by 
the authorities of the State ; and while the act of which you complain is 
in perfect consistency with the rights and duties of the State, it is not per- 
ceived how far the conduct you propose to adopt can find a parallel in the 
history of any country, or be reconciled with any other purpose than that 
of your government imposing on the State the condition of a conquered 
province. F. W. Pickens. 

SECOND COMMUNICATION FROM MAJOR ANDERSON. 

To his Excellency Gov. Pichens : 

Sir — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communica- 
tion, and say, that under the circumstances, I have deemed it proper to 



16 THE NATIONAL FLAG. 

refer the whole matter to my government, and intend deferring the course 
I indicated in my note this morning until the arrival from Washington of 
such instructions as I may receive. I have the honor also to express the 
hope that no obstructions will be placed in the way, and that you will do 
me the favor of giving every facility for the departure and return of the 
bearer, Lieut. T. Talbott, who is directed to make the journey. 

ROBEET Al^TDEESOiSr. 

Gov. Pickens immediately granted the permission desired, and directed 
Lieut. Talbott to have every facility and courtesy extended to him as 
bearer of despatches to the United States government, both in going and 
returning. 

The steamer Marion was seized on the 11th of January, but subse- 
quently returned to her owners. 

South Carolina has necessarily occupied much of the space in this 
work, as the events which led to the secession of the other seceding States, 
could best be chronicled in their regular order. The following war tax 
will show the expense incurred on the part of South Carolina in carrying 
out this war with the Union. 

Here are some of the items : 

385,689 negroes, at $1.60 |617,102 

3,421 free negroes, at $3,25 11,118 

Sales of goods $20,000,000, at 28 cents (tliis item is reduced $6,388,881) 56,000 

Professions. 2,000,000, at |1 20,000 

Town lots and houses, $31,383,873, at 27 cents 84,601 

Lands valued at $10,199,446, at $2 203,988 

Capital of banks, $13,278,225, at 35 cents 50,457 

Insurance premiunas, $466,944, at 1| 7,004 

Gas stock, $706,700, at 45 cents 3,180 

Total $1,053,450 

To which add proposed taxation : 

Carriages at $2.50, supposed $100,000 $25,000 

Buggies, etc., at $1.25, supposed $100,000 13,500 

Salaries and wages, at least $500,000, at $1 5,000 

Interest on bonds, $1,000,000, at 1^,) , ^ ^^^ 

Charleston returns, $300,000, f ^ ' 

Watches, estimated $20,000 20,000 

Interest on stocks owned by State and the bond of tax col- 
lector of Union 13,460 

Shipping, $700,000 at 35c : 2,450— $93,410 



gate $1,146,860 

The National Flag. 

In the South Carolina Legislature, on the 22d, Mr. Rhett offered a 
resolution which was adopted : That, from and after the passage of the 
resolution, the national flag or ensign of South Carolina shall be blue, 
with a white Palmetto tree upright thereon, and a white crescent in the 
corner. 

On the 29th of December, Secretary Floyd, of the War Department, 
resigned his position. He stated as a reason that the movement of Major 
Anderson in evacuating Fort Moultrie, and occupying Fort Sumter, was 
directly contrary to the spirit of assurances which had been given by him 
(Floyd) to the authorities of South Carolinn, that no change should be 
made in the disposition of the Government forces in the fortifications in 
Charleston harbor, until the State Commissioners could arrive in Wash- 



THE SECESSION OF GEORGIA. 17 

ington and have a hearing. As soon as the action of Major Anderson be- 
came known, the Commissioners called upon Secretary Floyd for explana- 
tions. Mr. Floj-d disavowed the act, but the Commissioners woidd not 
be satisfied with any thing short of the withdrawal of the troops from 
Fort Sumter. This, it appears, Secretary Floyd was_ willing to agree to, 
and he accordingly asked the permission of the President to issue the ne- 
cessary order. The cabinet had a very long discussion on the subject ; 
but, finally, the weight of the Cabinet being against complying with the 
demand of the Commissioners, Secretary Floyd felt himself called upon 
to resign. 

On the 30th the Charlestonians seized the arsenal and ai-ms therein, 
and raised over that building and the post-ofiice the Palmetto flag. 

Governor Pickens had at that time appomted Hon. A. G. M'Grath 
Secretary of State, Hon. D. F. Jamison Secretary of War, C. G. Mem- 
minger Secretary of the Treasury, W. H. Harlee to regulate the Postal 
department and the light-bouses, and A. C. Garlington Secretary of the 
Interior. 

The Secession of Georgia. 

Geoegia, the fifth in the list of States seceding from the Union, has a 
population of 1,082,797 ; the proportion of slaves being 467,461. It ex- 
tends 300 miles from North to South, and about 240 from East to West, 
containing 58,000 square miles. Georgia is bounded North by North Caro- 
lina and Tennessee ; East by South Carolina (from which it is separated 
by Savannah river) and the Atlantic ; South by Florida ; and West by 
Alabama. The face of the country on the sea-coast is level and marshy. 
and intersected by numerous rivers and creeks. The sea-coast is also bor- 
dered with islands, producing sea-island cotton and rice. The pine barrens 
extend about 70 miles in the interior, beyond which the country is diver- 
sified with hill, dale, and mountain. The soil in the interior is generally 
good, and well adapted to the cultivation of cotton, which is the staple 
production. Rice and tobacco of excellent quality are raised in abundance. 
Indian corn is also raised in all parts of the State. The principal fruits 
are oranges, limes, figs, melons, citrons, and peaches. Of minei-als found 
in the State, the most important is gold. The climate is mild and pleasant 
in winter, but the sea-coast is subject to fevers in summer and autumn. 
The forests abound with excellent timber — in the South, pine, and in the 
North, oak. The principal cities are Savannah, Augusta, Macon, Colnm- 
bus, Athens, and Milledgeville, the seat of government. Georgia was 
the latest settled of the original 13 States. In 1732 the country was 
granted by George II. to James Oglethorpe and others, who founded 
Savannah, Feb. 1, 1733. In 1742 the Spaniards in Florida invaded the 
colony unsuccessfully. In 1752 the Trustees surrendered the province to 
the King, by whom Governors were appointed. In 1775 Georgia acceded 
to the Union of the colonies. In 1777 the first State Constitution was 
adopted. In 1778 Savannah was captured by the British, who held it 
until July 1783. Constitution of the United States adopted Jan. 2, 1788. 

On the 19th of January, 1861, Georgia threw oflf her allegiance to the 
American Union, and by a vote of 208 to 89 was declared free and inde- 
pendent. 



18 CAPTURE OF THE AUGUSTA ARSENAL. 

On the 2d of January, Forts Pulaski and Jackson, and the United 
States arsenal at Savannah, were seized by the State troops, under the 
direction of the Governor of the State. 

THE SECESSION ORDINANCE. 

An Oedinanoe to dissolve the Union hetween the State of Georgia and 
other States united with her under the compact of Government entitled 
the Constitution of the United States. 

"We, the people of the State of Georgia, in Convention assembled, do 
declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the or- 
dinance adopted by the people of tiie State of Georgia in Convention in 
1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States was assented to, rati- 
fied and adopted, and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assem- 
bly ratifying and adopting amendments to the said Constitution, are hereby 
repealed, rescinded and abrogated. 

And we do further declare and ordain that the Union now subsisting 
between the State of Georgia and other States, under the name of the 
United States, is hereby dissolved, and that the State of Georgia is in full 
possession and exercise of all those rights of sovereignty which belong and 
appertain to a free and independent State. 

Capture of the Augiista Arsenal. 

The arsenal at Augusta, Georgia, surrendered to the State troops, was 
until October last under the sole charge of Dr. J. M. Gait, who has been 
twelve years in the service, and a guard of nine men. On account of the 
impending troubles, Mayor Blodgett, of Augusta, with the advice of the 
City Council, wrote to the then Secretary of War, Gen. Floyd, and stated 
that the local authorities would not be held responsible for the govern- 
ment property there unless there was a reinforcement of United States 
troops. Accordingly, Company E, Captain Arnold Elzy, then stationed 
at Fort Smith, was ordered to repair to the arsenal, which was occupied 
by that corps in the latter part of October, who held it until the surrender. 
The property is one of the best held by the Government in the interior of 
any Southern State. The grounds comprise some seventy acres of the 
most eligible and valuable land in the vicinity of Augusta. The buildings 
are mostly of brick, large and commodious, and the barracks are in fine 
order for the accommodation of troops. The parade ground is only 
equalled on this continent by the Champ de Mars at Montreal, and is 
flanked by fine groves of trees. There were on the premises in October 
a full battery of four pieces, six and twelve pounders, which, in 1850, was 
part of Major Eonald's command. Company L, of the artillery. There 
were also twenty thousand muskets and two thousand rifles. The muskets 
were made in 1822, flint locks, and altered in 1840 to percussion. The 
rifles are designed for the Minie ball, and are in good order. The place 
was bought for the United States in 1824, by Captain Payne. It was then 
the property of Col. Henry Walker, a gentleman distinguished for political 
and military service in Georgia. 



THE SECESSION OY ALABAMA. 19 



The Secession of Alabama. 

' Alabama, the third in the list of States who liave dissolved their 
connection with the Federal Government, contains a population of 955,- 
917, of whom 435,473 are slaves. It is bounded N. by Tennessee, E. by 
Georgia, S. by Florida and the Gulf of Mexico, and W. by Mississippi. 
Its area is 4G,000 square miles, or 28,100,000 acres. Mobile is the ])rinci- 
pal commercial port, and Tuscaloosa the capital; ^Montgomery is also a 
thriving place. 

Near the Gulf the country is low and swampy. Pine is the principal 
timber growth. The centre is an elevated table land, the soil rich and 
productive, the climate mild and healthy. The country is hilly and moun- 
tainous toward the North. Cotton is the chief production of the State. 
Wheat, Indian corn, tobacco, rice, oats, and potatoes are also largely pro- 
duced. 

This State was originally included in the territorial limits of Georgia, 
except the part which belonged to Florida. In 1802 Georgia ceded all 
her territory west of Chattahooche river to the Mississippi river, to the 
United States. In 1817 it was constituted the Mississippi Territory, and 
Alabama continued a part of this territory until 1820, when it was admit- 
ted into the Union. 

On the 3d of January, 1861, Fort Morgan and the (Mount Yernon) 
United States arsenal at Mobile, were seized by the State troops. 

On the 11th of January, the delegates to the State Convention passed 
the following ordinance of secession — yeas 61, nays 39 : 

OEDINANOE OF SECESSION". 

An" Ordixa^tce to dissolve the Union ietween the State of Alabama and 
other States under the compact and style of the tfnited States of 
America. 

Whereas, The election of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to 
the office of President and Vice-President of the United States of America, 
by a sectional party, avowedly hostile to the domestic institutions and peace 
and security of the people of the State of Alabama, following upon the 
heels of many and dangerous infractions of the Constitution of the United 
States by many of the States and people of the Northern section, is a 
political wrong of so insulting and menacing a character, as to justify the 
people of the State of Alabama in the adoption of prompt and decided 
measures for their future peace and security. 

Therefore, be it declared and ordained by the people of the State of 
Alabama, in Cimveiition assembled, that the State of Alabama now with- 
draws from the Union known as the United States of America, and hence- 
forth ceases to be one of tlie said United States, and is, and of right ought 
to be, a sovereign, independent State. 

Sectiox 2. And be it furtlier declared by the people of the State of 
Alabama, in Convention assembled, that all jiowers over the territories of 
said State, and over the people tliereof, heretofore delegated to the Gov- 
ernment of the United States of America, be, and they are hereby with- 
drawn from the said Government, and arc hereby resumed and vested in 
the people of the State of Alabama. 

And as it is the desire and purpose of the people of Alabama to meet 



20 THE DEFEXCES OF MOBILE, 

the slaveholding States of the South who approve of such purpose, in order 
to frame a provisional or a permanent government upon the principles of 
the Government of the United States, be it also resolved by the people of 
Alabama, in Convention assembled, that the people of the States of Dela- 
ware, Maryland, Virginia, Is orth Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Georgia, 
Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri, 
be, and they are hereby invited to meet the people of the State of Alabama, 
by' their Delegates in Convention, on the 4th day of February next, in 
Montgomery, in tlie State of Alabama, for the purpose of consultation \yith 
each other as to the most effectual mode of securing connected, harmonious 
action, in whatever measures may be deemed most desirable for the com- 
mon peace and security. 

And be it further resolved, That the President of this Convention be, 
and he is hereby instructed to transmit forthwith a copy of the foregoing 
preamble, ordinance, and resolutions to the Governors of the several States 
named in the said resolutions. 

Done by the people of Alabama, in Convention assembled, at Mont- 
gomery, this eleventh day of January, eighteen hundred and sixty-one. 

The Defences of Mobile. 

FOET MORGAN AXD MOUNT VERNON ARSENAL. 

At the time Louisiana was purchased, from France, in 1S03, Mobile 
was claimed and held as a Spanish possession. The French claimed terri- 
tory to the Perdido river flowing into the Gulf of Mexico and Pensacola. 
When we came into possession of Louisiana, we also claimed to tlie same 
boundary, while the Spanish Government claimed to a line considerably 
west of Mobile. The war of 1812 coming, the Spaniards continuedin 
possession until 1813, when the Fort Conde, the principal work in Mobile, 
was surrendered to a force under Gen. Wilkinson, and our claim made 
good to the Perdido. The Americans, on taking possession, not only 
strengthened Fort Conde, but also manned the imperfect works at 
Mobile Point, vrhich measurably commanded the entrance to the harbor. 
These were attacked in the autumn of 1814 by some British vessels of 
war. On this locality has since been constructed Fort Morgan — one of 
the strongest defensive works on the Gulf of Mexico. Fort Morgan alone 
commands the chief entrance to the bay. Vessels of large draft cannot 
pass over Dog Island bar, some miles below the city. 

The arsenal taken possession of by Alabama militia is known as the 
Mount Vernon Arsenal, and is situated thirty miles in the interior, north 
of Mobile. It stands on a high hill, which rises some 400 or 500 feet 
above the surrounding country. From the base of this hill to the city, 
and, in fact, to the Gulf of Mexico, is almost a dead level. _ The soil is 
sandy, and covered Avith an almost unbroken pitch pine forest, interspersed 
with alluvial creeks, small farms, and with glades and swamps, bearing 
magnolia trees, live oaks, and tangled tliickets of undergrowth. The 
present Mobile and Tennessee Railroad passes near Mount Vernon. The 
view from the arsenal is magnificent, overlooking towards the Gulf an ap- 
parently interminable carpet of green, which is lost in dimness as it dis- 
appears at its junction with the distant horizon. The site was well chosen 
as a safe depository of arms and other munitions of war for the defence of 
New Orleans, Mobile, Pensacola, and the contiguous Gulf coast, and it is 
probably the strongest and best built arsenal to be found in the United 
States. It contains a vast store of army equipments of all kinds. 



SECESSION OF FLORIDA. 21 

Secession of Florida. 

Florida, the fourth of the retiring States, is about 400 miles in length, 
by an average breadth of 140, containing 50,000 square miles. It is 
bounded IST. by Alabama and Georgia ; E. by the Atlantic Ocean ; S. and 
"W. by the Gulf of Mexico. The population in 1860 was 145,094, of whom 
63,809 were slaves. 

The face of the country on the sea-coast is flat, sandy and barren ; in 
the interior it is in many places fertile, with natural meadows, well 
adapted to the culture of the sugar-cane. The leading productions are 
cotton, rice, sugar, oranges, and many other fruits. The forests abound 
with excellent timber, particularly live oak. The climate is in general 
healthy and delightful. St. Augustiue, on the Atlantic coast, is a favorite 
resort in the winter for invalids from the Northern States. The princii)al 
towns are Pensacola, St. Augustine, and Tallahassee. 

Florida was discovered in 1512, by Ponce de Leon, a Spaniard, and 
was under the Spanish government until 1763, when it was ceded to 
Great Britain. It was re-ceded to Spain by the treaty of Paris, in 1783 ; 
and in 1821 the United States obtained a cession from Spain of the whole 
territory called East and West Florida, in consideration of claims for spo- 
liations upon the commerce of the former by the latter nation. 

On the 11th of January, 1861, in convention assembled, ^y a vote of 
62 to 7, Florida was declared a sovereign and independent nahon. 

The Appalachicola arsenal, in the Chattaprochus, was seized by the 
Florida troops on the 6th of January, Fort McRae, at Pensacola, on the 
10th, and Fort Barrancas and the navy yard at Pensacola on the 12th. 
Captain Armstrong, in command of the navy yard, surrendered without 
the sliglitest resistance. 

The following is a list of the forts on the coast of Florida, with the 
number of men that each requires for a war garrison ; also the number of 
guns that each should have when completed : — 

Men. Guns. 

Fort Marion, St. Augustine 100 25 

Fort Taylor, Key West 1,000 185 

Fort Jefferson, Tortugas 1,500 298 

Fort Barrancas, Pensacola 550 49 

Redoubt, Pensacola 26 

Fort Pickens, Pensacola 1,200 212 

Fort McRea, Pensacola 650 151 

The forts at Key West and Tortugas are said to be the strongest in the 
world. They are the keys to the Gulf — every vessel ci'ossing it passing 
within sight of both. Fort Taylor has at present about sixty heavy guns 
mounted. Fort Jefferson has not yet received its armament. 

The Convention of delegates met at Tallahassee on the 8d of January, 
to the number of 67. On the 7th, the followiug preamble aud resolution 
was passed, by 62 ayes ; 5 nays : — 

Whereas, all hope of preserving the Union upon terms consistent with 
the safety and honor of the slaveholding States has been finally dissipated 



22 FLORIDA FORTS. 

«l 
by the recent indications of the strength of tlie anti-slavery sentiment of 
the free States ; therefore, 

Be it resolved hy thefeoiiile of Florida in Convention msemhled, That it 
is undoubtedly the right of the several States of the Union to witlulraw 
from the said Union at such time and for such cause, as in the opinion of 
the people of each State, acting in their sovereign capacity, may be just 
and proper; and, in the opinion of this Convention, the existing causes are 
such as to compel Florida to proceed to exercise that right. 

OUDINANCB OF SECESSION. 

"We, the people of the State of Florida, in Convention assembled, do 
solemnly ordain, publish and declare, that the State of Florida hereby 
withdraws herself from the confederacy of the States existing under the 
name of the United States of America, and from the existing government 
of the said States ; and tliat all political connection between her and the 
government of said States ought to be, and the same is hereby totally an- 
nulled, and said union of States dissolved ; and the State of Florida is 
hereby declared a sovereign and independent nation ; and that all ordi- 
nances heretofore adopted, in so far as they create or reorganize said 
Union, are rescinded ; and all laws, or parts of laws in force in this State, 
in so far as they recognized or assent to said Union, be and they are hereby 
repealed. 

FORT MARION 

Is situated at the extreme Southeastern part of Fernandina, while the 
soldiers are garrisoned at the barracks, situated in tlie opposite portion, 
and which was once the Convent of St. Francis. It is probably the old- 
est fortress in the United States, and is interesting as a relic of the style 
of ancient fortification, and for its association with events in the old Span- 
ish, English and Indian wars. The precise year of its construction is not 
definitely known. It may liave been commenced by the Spaniards in 
1665, or not until many years later. It was named by them the Castle of 
St. Mark, and was completed in 1756. It was situated at the Northern 
extremity of the town. It is built of stone; its walls are about twenty- 
one feet high, terminating in four bastioned angles, at the several cor- 
ners, each of which is surmounted with towers corresponding. It is 
casemated and bomb proof. The work is enclosed by a wide, deep ditch, 
with perpendicular walls of masonry over which is thrown a bridge, 
whicli was originally protected by a draw. The fort has a sea wall a 
mile in length, built for the main purpose of a breakwater. The interior 
of this old fortress is said to be full of dark gloomy retreats, and subter- 
ranean passages. Within the bastion of the Northeast angle, far under 
ground, is a dark, dungeon like recess, constructed of solid mason work. 
Tins place was accidentally discovered soon after the work fell into the 
hands of the American army. It was then walled up. As to the history 
of the place — whether it was once an inquisitorial chamber, or the scene 
of vengeance, there is silence. 

KEY WEST FORT. 

Fort Taylor is a large, first-class fortification, commanding the harbor 
Key-West and its entrance. It is complete except the barracks and a 
few platforms for the mounting of barbette ordnance. The officer in 
command of this fort is Captain John Brannan, of the First artillery, 
United States army, and he, with the force under his command, now 
constitute the garrison. The fortress forms an irregular quadrangle, having 
three channel curtains. It is 300 yards oif the beach, and on the south- 
west point of the Island, and stands in a depth of seven or twelve feet of 



THE SECESSION OP MISSISSIPPI. 23 

■water. The foundation is granite, and the upper works are of brick. 
The scarp walls have a solidity of eight feet, rising forty feet above the 
water level. It is provided with three tiers — two of casement and one 
for barbette — and mounts 120 eiglit and ten-inch Columbiad guns on the 
seaward front, and 45 heavy pieces towards the beach. 

The armament is mostly mounted and prepared to stand a siege. The 
garrison are abundantly supplied with ammunition, provisions, fuel, water 
and all other important stores. With the assistance of the navy this fort 
can be defended against any force that inay be rash enough to assail it. 
It is regarded as the key of the Gulf. 

Its only vulnerable point is from the land side, and to breach this 
shore front would require a force which would take weeks in preparation, 
a navy to transport, use up half a million of treasure, and sacrifice hun- 
dreds of lives. The officer in command will, like Major Anderson, act 
strictly on the defensive, and hold his position until ordered by the fede- 
ral authorities to deliver up to the demand of the State, or the Southern 
confederacy. 

The officers at Fort Taylor are : — 

Capt, John M, Brannan, commander ; 

Capt. E. B. Hunt, engineer ; 

1st Lieut, Alvan C. Gilhelm ; 2d Lieut. Chas. H. Webber. 

Capt. E. B. Hunt, engineer corps, in charge of the construction and 
completion of the castle, has a force of 100 mechanics and laborers in his 
employment. 

Capt. Meigs has chartered the Whitney to transport a portion of the 
8-inch Oolumbiads from Fort Taylor to Fort Jefferson. Three guns 
will be lightered to the ship, and the necessary ordnance will be supplied 
from Fort Taylor magazines. 



The Secession of Mississippi. 

Mississippi, the second State in the order of secession, is 338 miles 
in length, and 135 in breadth, containing 45,Y60 square miles, or 
29,286,400 acres. The population in 1800 was 887,158, of whom 479,607 
were slaves. Bounded N. by Tennessee, E. by Alabama, S. by the Gulf 
of Mexico and Louisiana, W. by Pearl and Mississippi rivers, which sepa- 
rate it from Louisiana and Arkansas, it has a sea-coast of about 70 miles, 
with no harbor in this distance which admits large vessels. The State is 
divided into 56 counties. The face of the country exhibits a diversified 
surface of hills and valleys. The soil is generally fertile, producing cot- 
ton of a superior quality, rice, tobacco, Indian corn, wheat, rye, barley, 
oats, potatoes, wool, wax, lumber, tar, pitch, turpentine, peaches, mel- 
ons, grapes, and a great variety of fruits and vegetables. The palma 
Christi, which produces castor-oil, is also cultivated. The climate is mild 
but variable. From October to June it is bland and delightful. During 
part of the summer and autumn the people are subject to fevers, but gen- 
erally they enjoy good health. The southern part of the State, for about 
100 miles from the Gulf of Mexico, is a level country, covered with fine 
forests, cypress swamps, open prairies or inundated marshes. Advancing 
North, the soil, in its natural condition, is covered with oak, hickory,* mag- 
nolia, sweet gum, ash, maple, pojdar, pine and holly, with a variety of 
underwood, grape vines, spice wood, &c. Jackson is the capital of the 



24 THE SECESSION OF MISSISSIPPI. 

State. Natchez is the principal commercial city, 300 miles above New 
Orleans. Vicksburg, 106 miles above Natchez, is also a flourishing city. 

In 1716 the French formed a settlement where Natchez now stands, 
and laid claim to the country in the name of Louisiana. This colony was 
massacred in 1729 by the Indians. In 1763 it was ceded to the British. 
North of the 31st deg. of N. lat. was in the chartered limits of Georgia. 
South of that it belonged to W. Florida, which was ceded to the United 
States in 1798 by Spain. In 1800 this State, with Alabama, was consti- 
tuted a territory, under the name of the Mississippi Territory. In 1817, 
Mississippi was separated from Alabama, and was admitted to the Union 
as a sovereign State. The Constitution of the State was then adopted, 
and amended in 1832. January 9, 1861, Mississippi, in convention by a 
vote of 84 to 15, declared its independence, and dissolved its connection 
with the Union, 

The first step taken by the people of Mississippi towards secession 
was on the 29th of December, when the State Senate passed the following 
resolutions : — 

Resolved, That the Governor be requested to appoint as many commis- 
sioners as in his judgment may be necessary, to visit each of the slave- 
holding States, and designate the State or States to which each commis- 
sioner shall be commissioned ; whose duty it shall be to inform them that 
this Legislature has passed an act calling a convention of tlie people of 
this State to consider the present threatening relations of the Northern 
and Southern sections of the confederacy, aggravated by the recent elec- 
tion of a President upon principles of liostility to the States of the South, 
and to express the earnest hope of Mississippi, that those States will co- 
operate with her in the adoption of efBcient measures for their common 
defence and safety. 

Hesohed, That should any Southern State not have convened its Legis- 
lature, the commissioner to such State shall appeal to the Governor thereof 
to call the Legislature together, in order that its co-operation be imme- 
diately secured. 

In accordance with these resolutions, commissioners were appointed, 
and performed their duty. 

On the 9th of January the ordinance of- secession was passed by the 
Convention, by a vote of 84 to 15. 

An OedinajStce to dissolve the Union hetween the State of Mississippi and 
other States united with her under the com23act entitled, " The Con- 
stitution of the United States of America.'''' 

The people of Mississippi, in Convention assembled, do ordain and de- 
clare, and it is hereby ordained and declared, as follows, to wit : 

Section 1. That all the laws and ordinances by which the said State 
of Mississippi became a member of the Federal Union of the United States 
of America be, and the same are hereby repealed, and that all obligations 
on the part of said State or the people thereof, to observe the same, be 
withdrawn, and that the said State shall hereby resume the rights, func- 
tions and powers which, by any of said laws and ordinances were conveyed 
to the Govenimeiit of the said United States, and is absolved from all the 
obligations, restraints and duties incurred to the said Federal Union, and 
shall henceforth be a free, sovereign, and independent State. 

Seo. 2. That so much of the first section of the seventh article of the 
constitution of this State as requires members of the Legislature, and all 



THE SECESSION OF LOUISIANA. ^ 25 

officers, legislative and judicial, to take an oath to support the Constitution 
of the United States, he and the same is lierehy ahrogated and annulled. 

Sec. 3. That all rights acquired and vested under the Constitution of 
the United States, or under any act of Congress passed in pursuance 
tliereof, or under any law of this State, and not incompatible with this 
ordinance, shall remain in force, and have the same effect as if this ordi- 
nance had not been passed. 

Seo. 4. That the people of the State of Mississippi hereby consent to 
form a Federal Union with such of the States as have seceded or may 
secede from the Union of tlie United States of America, upon the basis of 
the present Constitution of the said United States, except such parts 
thereof as embrace other portions than such seceding States. 

Immediately steps were taken by Governor Pettus to fortify points 
on the river, and compel all vessels coming from above to approach the 
cities and pay wharfage. 

On the 20th of January the fort at Ship Island, twelve miles from 
Biloxi, was seized by the State troops. 

The Secession of Louisiana. 

Louisiana, the sixth of the Southern States in the order of secession, 
is 250 miles from north to south, and varies in width from 100 to 300 
miles in breadth. It is bounded N. by Arkansas and^ Mississippi ; E. 
by Mississippi ; S. E. and E. by the Gulf of Mexico, and W. by Texas. 
The area is 48,.S20 square miles, or 30,924,800 acres. The population in 
1860 was 666,431, of whom 312,186 were slaves. The State is divided 
into 38 parishes. The southern border consists either of sea marsh or vast 
prairies, covering one-fifth of the surface of the State. Timbered lands 
cover the border of the streams. For 30 miles about the mouths of the 
Mississippi is a continued swamp covered with reeds. A sea marsh 
extends inland for 20 or 30 miles along the border of the Gulf of Mexico. 
Back of this the land rises and constitutes the prairies. Many portions 
of the country are annually overflowed by the Mississippi and its outlets ; 
5,000,000 acres are thus rendered unfit for cultivation. Large quantities 
of earth are deposited in this manner on the margin of the river, and 
there the land is higher than in the rear of its banks. To prevent the 
river from inundating the rear country, artificial embankments are raised 
on the margin, styled the " Levee," extending from 140 to 180 miles. 

The southern portion of the country is generally level, and is highly 
productive in cotton, sugar, rice, Indian corn and indigo. The northern 
portion is undulating, and has a heavy growth of white, red, and yellow 
oak, hickory, black walnut, sassafras, poplar, and magnolia; 250,000 
acres of the soil are adapted to the growth of sugar; 250,000 to rice, and 
2,400,000 to cotton. 

The climate is generally mild. In summer, the wet and marshy parts 
are unhealthy, and New Orleans, the chief city, is often visited by the 
yellow fever. 

In 1082 this country was explored by La Salle, and named Louisiana, 
in honor of Louis XIV. In 1699 a French settlement was begun at Ibber- 
ville. M. Crozat, a man of wealth, monopolized the trade of the country 



26 THE LOUISIANA FORTS. 

for several years. In 1717 be transferred liis interest to a chartered com- 
pany, who^ia 1731 resigned it to the crown, who in turn, in 1762, ceded 
the country to Spain. In 1800 Spain reconveyed the province to the 
French, of whom it was purchased in 1803 by the United States for 
$15,000,000, including all the territory of the United States west of the 
Mississippi. In 1812 Louisiana was admitted to the Union as a state. In 
1814 the British attacked New Orleans, and were defeated January 8, 
1815, by the Americans under Gen. Jackson, with a loss of near 3000 in 
killed, wounded, etc., on the side of the British, and half a dozen on the 
part of the Americans. The Secession Convention met January 23, 1861, 
and on the 25th, by a vote of 113 to 17, declared Louisiana a free and 
sovereign republic. 

On the 11th of January the United States Arsenal, at Baton Rouge, 
and Forts Pike, St. Phillip, and Jackson, were seized by the State troops. 

The following is the ordinance of secession : 

An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of Lonisiana 
and the other States tinited with her, under the compact entitled, 
" The Constitution of the United States of AmeHca.'''' 

"We, the people of the State of Louisiana,, in Convention assembled, do 
declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the ordi- 
nance passed by the State of 22d of November, 1807, whereby the Con- 
stitution of the United States of America, and the amendments of said 
Constitution were adopted, and all the laws and ordinances by which 
Louisiana became a member of the Federal Union, be, and the same are 
hereby repealed and abrogated, and the Union now subsisting between 
Louisiana and the other States, under the name of the United States of 
America, is hereby dissolved. 

"We further declare and ordain, that the State of Louisiana hereby re- 
sumes the rights and powers heretofore delegated to the Government of 
the United States of America, and its citizens are absolved from allegiance 
to the said Government, and she is in full possession of all the rights and 
sovereignty that appertain to a free and independent State. 

^Q further declare and ordain, that all rights acquired and vested un- 
der the Constitution of the United States, or any act of Congress, or ti'eaty, 
or under laws of this State not incompatible with this ordinance, shall re- 
main in force, and have the same eftect as though this ordinance had not 
passed. 

A resolution was reported to the Convention that the following be 
added to the ordinance : 

"We, the people of Louisiana, recognize the right of free navigation of 
the Mississippi River and tributaries, by all friendly States bordering 
\ thereon ; we also recognize the right of the ingress and egress of the 
I mouths of the Mississippi by all friendly States and Powers, and hereby 
1 declare our willingness to enter into stipulations to guarantee the exercise 
V of those rights. 

THE LOUISIANA FOKTS. 

The forts seized are Fort St. Phillip, Fort Jackson, Fort Pike, and Fort 
Macomb, besides the arsenal at Baton Rouge. All the forts which pro- 
tect the State from invasion are in the hands of the State troops, except 
Fort Livingston, situated on an island at the entrance of Barataria bay. 
But this fortification is still in an unfinished state, although nearly $400,000 



THE ACTION OF VIRGINIA. 27 

have been expended upon it. It was, a year ago, without an armament, 
and an expenditure of $()0,000 was necessary to complete it. 

The approach to New Orleans from the Gulf is coiDmanded by the 
four forts which we know have been seized by the State troops. Fort St. 
Phillip and Fort Jackson are both on the Mississippi, a few miles above the 
moutli, and nearly ojjposite to each other. They require about 600 men 
eacli when completely garrisoned, and are capable, no doubt, of preventing 
a most formidable force from ascending the river. Fort St.Pliillip mounts 
124 guns, and Fort Jackson 150. The federal government has expended 
upon the latter $837,608, and upon the former $258,734. 

The approach to New Orleans, and therefore to the Mississippi by the 
way of Lake Pontchartrain, is defended by Fort Pike and Fort Macomb. 
The first, which is at the east end of the lake, commanding the entrance 
. from Mississippi Sound, Avas officially reported, a year ago, as in fine 
order nnd in a good defensive condition. It was then intended to substi- 
tute four 8-inch Columbiads and seven 8-inch sea-coast howitzers for as 
many 2-i-pounder guns. It mounts altogether 49 guns, and has cost the 
government $473,000. 

Fort Macomb is a little South of Fort Pike, at the Clief-Menteur pass, 
which connects Lake Pontchartrain with Lake Borgne, the head of Mis- 
sissippi Sound. This also mounts 49 guns, and the same change was to 
have been made last year in its armament as that proposed at Fort Pike. 
Its cost has been $465,991. The full complement of men for both these 
forts is 300 each. 

The Action of "Virgmia, 

On the 7th of January Governor Letcher, of Virginia, delivered his 
message to the Legislature. He renews his proposition in his last mes- 
sage for a convention of all the States, and says : It is monstrous to see a 
government like ours destroyed, merely because men cannot agree about 
a domestic institution. It becomes our State to be mindful of her own 
interests. Disruption is inevitable, and if confederations are to be formed, 
we must have the best guarantees before we can attach Virginia to 
either. He condemns the hasty action of South Carolina, Avhich has 
taken her Southern sisters by surprise. He would make no special re- 
ference to her course had he not been invited to do so by her late execu- 
tive, in uncalled for references to Virginia. The non-slaveholding States 
are chargeable for the present condition of affairs ; and if the Union is dis- 
rupted, upon them rests the solemn responsibility. He alludes at length 
to their aggressions, and says they have the power to end the strife and 
restore confidence. Will they do it ? lie awaits their response, not 
without apprehension. 

The New Year. 

The year one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one opened under un- 
favorable auspices for the safety of the country; and the "Happy New 
Year," tliough fervently wished, it was feared w-ould prove unhappy to 
too many. 

The Legislatures of several of the States convened by law at this time, 
and from the messages of the governors there was generally breathed a 
spirit of concession and kindly feeling North towards the South ; and 
South, a feeling of stubborn resistance to all entreaties for peace. 

The question at issue was the supposed aggression on the part of the 
North toward the South ; the latter believing that a republican admin- 



?8 



THE COMPEOMISES. 



istration would interfere by force Avith tlie " peculiar institution " of 
slavery. 

The Compromises. 

With a view of restoring confidence to the country and making peace, 
Mr. Crittenden, on the 3d of January, offered his compromise to the com- 
mittee of thirty-three. 

This plan is presented in connection with the well-known Missouri 
compromise and tlie Bigler resolutions. 

Missouri Compromise, 1820. Crittenden Compromise, 1861. 



Sec. 8. That in all that territory 
ceded by France to the United 
States, under the name of Louis- 
iana, which lies north of thirty-six 
degrees and thirty minutes north 
latitude, not included within the 
limits of the State contemplated by 
this act, slavery and involuntary 
servitude, otherwise than in the 
punishment of crimes whereof the 
parties shall have been duly con- 
victed, shall be, and is hereby for- 
ever prohibited. Provided always, 
that any person escaping into the 
same, from whom labor or service 
lawfully claimed, in any State or 
territory of the United States, such 
fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, 
and conveyed to the person claim- 
ing his or her labor, or service, as 
aforesaid. 



1. In all the territories now or 
hereafter acquired north of latitude 
thirty-six degrees and thirty min- 
utes, slavery or involuntary servi- 
tude, except for the puuisliment of 
crime, is prohibited; while in all 
the territory south of that latitude, 
slavery is here recognized as exist- 
ing, and shall not be interfered with 
by Congress, but shall be protected 
as property by all departments of 
the territorial government during 
its continuance. All the territory 
north or south of said line, within 
such boundaries as Congress may 
prescribe, when it contains a popu- 
lation necessary for a member of 
Congress, with a republican form of 
government, shall be admitted into 
the Union on an equality with the 
original States, with or without 
slavery, as the Constitution of the 
state shall prescribe. 

2. Congress shall have no power 
to abolish slavery in the States per- 
mitting slavery. 

3. Congress shall have no power 
to abolish slavery in the District of 
Columbia while it exists in Virginia 
and Maryland, or either ; nor shall 
Congress at any time prohibit the 
officers of the government or mem- 
bers of Congress, whose duties re- 
quire them to live in the District 
of Columbia, bringing slaves there, 
and holding them as such. 

4. Congress shall have no power 
to hinder the transportation of 
slaves from one State to another, 
whether by land, navigable rivers, 
or sea. 

5. Congress shall have power by 
law to pay an owner who shall ap- 
ply, the full value for a fugitive 



SPECIAL MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT. 29 

slave in all cases when the marshal 
is prevented from discharging his 
dnty by force or rescue made after 
arrest. In all sucli cases the owner 
shall have power to sue the county 
in which such violence or rescue 
was made, and the county shall 
have the right to sue the individ- 
uals who committed the wrong, in 
the same manner as the owner could 
sue. 

G. No further amendment or 
amendments shall affect the preced- 
ing articles, and Congress shall 
never have power to interfere with 
slavery in the States where it is now 
permitted. 
The last resolution declares that the Southern States have a right to 
the faithfid execution of the laws for the recovery of slaves, and such laws 
ought not to be repealed or modified so as to impair their efficiency. All 
laws in conflict with the fugitive slave law it shall not bo deemed improper 
for Congress to ask the repeal of. The fugitive slave law ought to be so 
altered as to make the fee of the commissioner equal, whether he decides 
for or against the claimant, and the clause authorizhig the person holding 
the warrant to summon a posse comitatus to be so as to restrict it to cases 
where violence or rescue is attempted. The laws for the suppression of 
the African slave-trade ought to be effectually executed. 

The following is the corresponding portion of Mr. Bigler's proposition: 
Aeticle 1. That territory held, or that may hereafter be acquired by 
the United States, shall be divided by a line from east to west, on the 
parallel of 30 degrees 80 minutes north latitude. 

Art. 2. That in all the territory north of said line of latitude, involun- 
tary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, is prohibited ; and in all 
territory south of said line, involuntary servitude, as it now exists in the 
States south of Mason and Dixon's line, is hereby recognized, and shall be 
sustained and protected by all the departments of the territorial govern- 
ments ; and when any territory north and south of said line, v>'ithin such 
boundaries as Congress may prescribe, shall contain the population requi- 
site for a member of Congress, according to the then federal ratio of rep- 
resentation of the people of the United States, it shall then be the duty of 
Congress to admit such territory into the Union on terms of equality with 
the original States. 

Special Message of the President. 

On the 8th of January, tlie following Special Message was sent to 
Congress by President Buchanan : 
To the Senate and House of Eepresentatives : 

At the opening of your present session, I called your attention to the 
dangers which threatened the existence of the Union. I expressed my 
opinion freely concerning the original causes of these dangers, and recom- 
luended such measures as I believed would have the effect of tranquillizing 
the country, saving it from the peril in which it had been needlessly and 
most unfortunately thrown. 

Those opinions and recommendations I do not propose now to repeat. 
My own convictions upon the whole subject remain unchanged. The 



30 SPECIAL MESSAGK OF THE PRESIDENT. 

fact that a gi-eat calamity was impending over the nation, was even at 
that time acknowleged by every intelligent citizen. It had already made 
itself felt throughout the length and breadth of the land. The necessary 
consequences of the alarm thus produced were most deplorable. Tlie im- 
ports fell off with a rapidity never known before, except in the time of 
war, in the history of our foreign commerce. The treasury was un- 
expectedly left without means which it had reasonably counted upon to 
meet its public engagements. 

Trade was paralyzed, manufactures were stopped, the best public 
securities suddenly sunk in the market, every species of property depre- 
ciated more or less, and thousands of poor men who depended upon their 
labor for their daily bread were turned out of employment. I deeply 
regret that I am not able to give you information upon the state of the 
Union which is more satisfactory than what I was then obliged to com- 
municate. On the contrary, matters are still worse at present than they 
then were. When Congress met, a strong hope pervaded the whole pub- 
lic mind that some amicable adjustment of the subject would be speedily 
made by the Representatives of the States, which might restore peace 
between the conflicting sections of the country. That hope has been 
diminished by every hour of delay, and, as the prospect of a bloodless set- 
tlement fades away, the public distress becomes more and more aggravated. 
As an evidence of this, it is only necessary to say that the Treasury notes 
authorized by the act of the 17th of December last were advertised ac- 
cording to law, and that no responsible bidder offered to take any con- 
siderable sum at par at a lower rate of interest than 12 per cent. From 
these facts, it appears that in a government organized like ours, domestic 
strife, or even a well-grounded fear of civil hostilities, is more destructive 
of public and private interests than the most formidable foreign war. 

In my annual message I expressed the conviction, Avhich I have long 
deliberately held, and which recent reflection has only tended to deepen 
and confirm, tliat no State has the right by its own act to secede from the 
Union, or to throw oft" its federal obligation at pleasure. I also declared 
my opinion to be that even if that right existed, and should be exercised 
by any State of the confederacy, the Executive Department of this Gov- 
ernment had no authority under the constitution to recognize its validity 
by acknowledging the independence of such State. This left me no alterna- 
tive as the chief executive officer under the Constitution of the United 
States, but to collect the public revenue and protect the public property so 
far as this might bo practicable under existing laws. This is still my pur- 
pose. My province is to execute, not to make the laws. It belongs to 
Congress exclusively to repeal, modify, or enlarge their provisions to meet 
exigencies as they may occur. I possess no dispensing power. I cer- 
tainly had no right to make aggressive war upon any State, and I am per- 
fectly satisfied that the Constitution has wisely withheld that power even 
from Congress. 

The right and tlie duty to use military force defensively against 
those who resist the Federal officers in the execution of tlieir legal func- 
tions, and against those who assail the property of the Federal Govern- 
ment, is clear and undeniable. But the dangerous and hostile attitude of 
the States toward each other has already far transcended and cast into the 
shade the ordinary executive duties already provided for by law, and has 
assumed such vast and alarming proportions as to place tlie subject entirely 
above and beyond executive control. The fact cannot be disguised that 
we are in the midst of a great revolution. Therefore, I commend the 
question to Congress as the only human tribunal, under Providence, pos- 
sessing the power to meet the existing emergency. To them exclusively 
belongs the power to declare war, or to authorize the employment of 
military force in all cases contemplated by the Constitution, and they alone 



SPECIAL MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT. 31 

possess the power to remove all the grievances which might lead to war, 
and to secure peace and union to this distracted country. On them, and 
on them alone, rests the responsibility. 

The Union is a sacred trust left by our Revolutionary fathers for their 
descendants, and never did any other people inherit so rich a legacy. It 
has rendered us prosperous in peace, and triumphant in war. The national 
flag has floated in glory over every sea, and under its shadow American 
citizens have found protection and respect in all lauds beneath tlie sun. 
If we descend to considerations of purely material interest, when, in the 
history of all time, has a confederacy been bound together by such strong 
ties of mutual interest ? Each portion of it is dependent upon all, and all 
upon each portion, for prosperity and domestic security. Free trade 
throughout the world supplies the wants of one portion from the produc- 
tions of another, and scatters wealth everywhere. The great planting and 
farming States require the aid of the commercial and navigating States to 
send their productions to domestic and foreign markets, and furnish the 
naval power to render their transportation secure against all hostile 
attacks. 

Should the Union perish in the midst of the present excitement, we 
have already had a sad foretaste of the universal sutfering which would 
result from its destruction. The calamity would be severe in every por- 
tion of the Union, and would be quite as great, to say the least, in the 
Southern as in the Northern States. 

The greatest aggravation of the evil, and that which would place us in 
the most unfavorable light, both before the world and posterity, is, as I 
am firmly convinced, that the secession movement has been chiefly based 
upon misaiiprehension at the South of the sentiment of the majority in 
several of the Northern States. Let the question be transfei-ed from the 
political assemblages to the ballot-box, and the people theh.ielves would 
speedily redress the serious grievances which the South have suft'ered. 
But, in Heaven's name, let the trial be made before we pluuoe into an 
armed conflict, upon the mere assumption that there is no other alterna- 
tive. Time is a great conservative power. Let us i)anse at the moment- 
ous point, and afford the people, both at the North and South, an oppor- 
tunity f.jr reflection. Would that South Carolina had been convinced of 
this truth before her precipitate action. I therefore appeal through you 
to the people of the country to declare in their might that tiie Union must 
and shall be ])reserved by all constitutional means. 

I most earnestly recommend that you devote yourselves to the question 
how this can be accomplished in peace. All other questions, when com- 
pared witli this, sink into insignificance. The present is no time for palli- 
atives. Prompt action is required. A delay in Congress to prescribe or 
recommend a distinct and practical proposition for conciliation, may drive 
us to a point from which it will be almost impossible to recede, A com- 
mon ground on which conciliation and harmony may be produced is surely 
not unattainable. The proposition to compromise by letting the North 
have exclusive control of the territory above a certain line, and to give 
Southern institutions protection below that line, ought to receive universal 
approbation. In itself, indeed, it may not be entirely satisfactory, but 
when the alternative is between reasonable concession on both sides and 
the destruction of tije Union, it is an imputation on tlie patriotism of Con- 
gress to_ assert that its members will hesitate a mument. Even now the 
danger is upon us. 

In several States which have not yet seceded, the forts, arsenals, and 
magazines of the United States have been seized. This is bv far tlie most 
serious step which has been taken since the connuencement o'f the troubles. 
This public property has long been left without garrisons and troops for 
its protection, because no person doubted its security under the flag of the 



32 SPECIAL MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT. 

country in any State of the TJnion. Besides, our small army has scarcely 
been sufficient to guard our remote frontiers against Indian incursions. 
The seizure of this property, from all appearances, has been purely aggres- 
sive, and not in resistance to any attempt to coerce a State or States to 
remain in the Union. At the beginning of these unhappy troubles, I de- 
termined that no act of mine should increase the excitement in either 
section of the country. 

If the political conflict were to end in civil war, it was mj determined 
purpose not to commence it, nor to furnish an excuse for it in any act of 
this government. My opinion remains unchanged, that justice as well as 
sound policy requires us still to seek a peaceful solution of the questions 
at issue between the North and the South. Entertaining this conviction, 
I refrained even from sending reinforcements to Major Anderson, who 
commanded the forts of Charleston harbor, until an absolute necessity for 
doing so should make itself apparent, lest it might be regarded as a menace 
of military coercion, and thus furnish a provocation, or, at least, a pretext, 
for an outbreak on the part of South Carolina. No necessity for these re- 
inforcements seemed to exist. 

I was assured by distinguished, upright gentlemen of South Carolina, 
that no attack on Major Anderson was intended, but that, on the contrary, 
it was the desire of the State authorities as much as it was my own, to 
avoid the fatal consequences which must eventually follow a military col- 
lision. And here I deem it proper to submit for your information copies 
of a communication dated 28th December, 1860, addressed to me by E. 
W. Barnwell, J. H. Adams, and James L. Orr, commissioners of South 
Carolina, with the accompanying documents, and copies of my answer 
thereto, dated December 31. In further explanation of Major Anderson's 
removal from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, it is proper to state that after 
my answer to the South Carolina Commissioners, the War Department 
received a letter from that gallant officer, dated December 27, 1860, the 
day after his movement, from whicli the following is an extract : 

" I will add as my opinion that many things convinced me that the 
authorities of the State designed to proceed to a hostile act, (evidently re- 
ferring to the order dated December 11, of the late Secretary of War.) 
Under this impression, I could not hesitate that it was my solemn duty to 
move my command from a fort which we could not probably have held 
longer than 48 or 60 hours, to this one, where my power of resistance is 
increased to a very great degree." 

It will be recollected that the concluding part of the order was in the 
following words : — 

" The smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy 
more than one of the three forts, but an attack on, or attempt to take pos- 
session of either one of tliem, Avill be regarded as an act of hostility, and 
you may then put your command into either of them, which you may 
deem most proper to increase its power of resistance. You are also au- 
thorized to take similar defensive steps whenever you have tangible evi- 
dence of a design to proceed to a hostile act." 

It is said that serious apprehensions are to some extent entertained, in 
which I do not share, that the peace of this District may be disturbed be- 
fore the 4th of March next. In any event, it will be my duty to preserve 
it, and this duty shall be performed. 

In conclusion, it may be permitted to me to remark, that I have often 
warned ray countrymen of the dangers which now surround us. This 
may be the last time I shall refer to the subject officially. I feel that my 
duty has been faithfully, though it may be imperfectly performed ; and 
whatever the result may be, I shall carry to my grave the consciousness 
that I at least meant well for my country. 

(Signed) James Buchanan. 

Washington City, Jan. 8, 1S61. 



THE MESSAGE OF GOVEKNOE MORGAN. 33 

Upon the reception of this message by the House of Representatives, 
Mr. Howard, of Michigan, moved that it be referred to a special com- 
mittee of five, with instructions to inquire whether any executive officers 
of the United States have been or are now treating or holding communi- 
cation with any person or persons for the transfer of forts and other prop- 
erty ; whether any demand for their surrender has been made, and by 
whom, and what answer has been given ; whether any oflficer or officers 
have entered into any pledge not to send reinforcements of trooi-s to the 
harbor of Charleston, and if so, when, where, and by whom, and on what 
considerations. Whether the custom-house, post-office, and arsenal at 
Charleston have been seized, by whom held in possession ; whether any 
revenue cutter has been seized ; and whether any efforts have been made to 
recover it. The committee have power to send for persons and papers, 
and report from time to time such facts as may be required by the na- 
tional honor, &c. 

This was adopted by 133 ayes to 62 nays. 

Message of G-overnor Morgan. 

Governor Morgan, in his Message to the Legislature on the 2d of 
January, made use of the following language with reference to the exist- 
ing troubles : — 

What is especially wanted, both at the North and at the South, is not 
only a cessation of hostile words and acts, but a complete restoration of 
all those amicable and fraternal relations, which formerly existed in every 
portion of the confederacy, and without which the Union ceased to con- 
fer its highest advantages, 

isTo apprehension, however, need be entertained that the people of this 
law-abiding State would, in any case, suffer their authorities or agents 
in the States or Federal Government, to invade or impair any constitu- 
tional right or privilege of the slave States ; on the contrary, they stand 
always as ready to guarantee those rights as to defend their own, and I 
think it would be well for the Legislature to give such new and solemn 
utterances to these convictions, as shall afford to the people of all the 
Southern States the assurance that all the rights, under the Constitution 
and the laws, are recognized, and will, on the part of the people of this 
State, be respected and maintained inviolate. 

I fully believe that if justice and moderation shall mark the conduct 
of the loyal States, we shall safely pass the present crisis, as we have 
passed many others, without loss of substantial rights or self-respect ; for 
I am unwilling to admit that there are madmen, either at the North or 
South, sufficiently formidable in power or in numbers to destroy the 
Union of the States ; a Union which has been productive of inestimable 
good; a Union in which all sections and parts have contributed, in di- 
verse though harmonious modes, to that common result of strength, sta- 
bility and happiness, manifest to every eye, in every direction, through- 
out the length and breadth of this extended land. 

Every State can do something, and ought to do all that it can to avert 
the threatened danger. Let New York set the example in this respect. 
Let her oppose no barrier; but on the contrary, let her representatives in 
the Federal Legislature give their ready support to any settlement that 
shall be just and honorable to all, a settlement due alike to the cherished 
memories of the past, the mighty interests of the present, and the myriads 
of the future. Let her stand in an attitude of hostility to none ; but ex- 
tending the hand of fellowship to all, and living up to the strict letter of 
that great fundamental law, the living and the inunortal bond of the 

3 



34 governors' messages." 

union of the States, cordially unite with other members of the Confede- 
racy in proclaiming and enforcing the determination that the Constitution 
shall be honored, and the union of the States shall be preserved. 

Message of the G-overnor of Ohio. 

Governor Dennison, of Ohio, in his message suggested the repeal of the 
obnoxious features of the fugitive slave lavr, and the repeal of any per- 
sonal liberty bills subversive of the fugitive law would thus be secured ; 
at the same time the Southern States should repeal their laws in contra- 
vention of the constitutional right of citizens of free States, who cannot be 
satisfied with less, and who will insist upon their constitutional rights in 
every State and territory of this confederacy. These they cheerfully 
accord to citizens of Southern States. Determined to do no wrong, they 
will not contentedly submit to any wrong, and are unawed by their threats. 
They demand the employment of the constitutional powers of the federal 
government to maintain and preserve the Union. He rejected the whole 
theory of State secession as a palpable violation of the constitution, and 
could not consent to the exercise of any power unless under its sanc- 
tion. — The integrity of this Union — its oneness and individuality, must be 
preserved. ' 

Message of the Governor of Illinois. 

Governor "Wood, of Illinois, in his message, said: — 

" If grievances to any portion of our confederation have arisen within 
the Union, let them be redressed within the Union. If unconstitutional 
laws, trenching upon the guaranteed rights of any of our sister States, have 
found place upon our statute books, let them be removed. If prejudice 
and alienation toward any of our fellow-countrymen has fastened upon our 
minds, let it be dismissed and forgotten. Let us be just to ourselves and 
each other, allowing neither threats to drive us from what we deem to 
be our duty, nor pride of opinion prevent us from correcting wherein Ave 
may have erred. He recommends that if lUinois has passed any laws 
tending to obstruct the operation of federal authority, or conflicting with 
the constitutional rights of others, they may at once be repealed." 

Views of the Governor of Maryland. 

Governor Hicks, of Maryland, in reply to Judge Handy, commissioner 
from Mississippi, said : — 

The sentiments of the people are almost unanimous in_ favor 
of upholding and maintaining their rights under the Constitution. 
They believe that their rights will yet be admitted and secured, 
and not until it is certain they will be respected no longer — not until 
every honorable, constitutional, and lawful effort to secure them is 
exhausted— will they consent to any efforts for a dissolution of the 
Union. The people of Maryland are anxious that time should be 
given and opportunity afforded for a fair and honorable adjustment of the 
difficulties and grievances of which they, more than the people of any 
other State, have a right to complain. 

He believes that a large majority of the people of the Union desire an 
adjustment, and he thinks it will be promptly effected. Until the effort 
is found vain, he cannot consent to any precipitate revolutionary action 
to aid in the dismemberment of the Union. When he is satisfied that 
there is no hope of adjustment, and not until then, will he exercise any 
power with which he is vested to afford even an opportunity for such a 



GOVERNOBS' MESSAGES.' 35 

proceeding. Whatever powers he may have he will use only after full 
consultation with the other border States, since we and they, in the event 
of any dismenaberment of the Union, will suffer more than all the others 
combined. 

Message of the Governor of Massachusetts. 

Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, after suggesting a repeal of the 
Personal Liberty Bill, concluded as foUows: — 

Come what may, I believe that Massachusetts wiU do her duty. She will 
stand by the incoming national Administration, as she has stood by the 
past ones; because her people will forever stand by their country. The 
recoi-ds of her revolutionary history declare her capacity and her will to 
expend money, sympathy and men to sustain the common cause. 

Until we complete the work of rolling back this wave of rebellion 
which threatens to ingulf the government, overthrow democratic institu- 
tions, subject the people to the rule of a minority, if not of mere military 
despotism, and in some communities to endanger the very existence of 
civilized society, we cannot turn aside, and we will not turn back. It is 
to those of our brethren in the disaffected States whose mouths are closed 
by a temporary reign of terror, not less than to ourselves, that we owe 
this labor, which, with the help of Providence, it is our duty to perform. 

Message of the G-overnor of Wisconsin. 

Governor Randall, of Wisconsin, in his message, said : — 
Should the Legislature think the Personal Liberty Bill of Wisconsin 
in conflict with the United States constitution, then it should be made to 
conform therewith, but no fear and no hope of a reward should induce a 
free people to break down the walls of their protection. We will make a 
sacrifice of our feelings to conciliate, but no sacrifice of our principles. 
The right of a State to secede can never be admitted. Once in the Union, 
a State must remain until the Union is destroyed. 

Message of the Governor of Missouri. 

Governor Jackson, of Missouri, in his message, says: — 

The destiny of the slaveholding States are identical, and that Mis- 
souri will best consult her own interests and the interests of the whole 
country, by a timely declaration of her determination to stand by her sister 
slaveholding States, in whose wrongs she participates, and with whose 
institutions and people she sympathizes. Missouri will remain in the 
Union so long as there is a hope of maintaining the guarantees of the con- 
stitution. 

The Governor opposes coercion, and says that the project of maintnin- 
ing the government by force, may lead to a consolidated despotism, but 
never to a Union. 

The Governor has not abandoned all hope for the preservation of the 
Union, but believes that by prudence and well-directed efforts an adjust- 
ment alike honorable to both sections may be effected. He opposes Con- 
gressional compromises, and says that the South can rely only upon consti- 
tutional guarantees, and to effect this end, he advises the calling of a South- 
ern convention, to agree upon such amendments to the constitution as will 
secure the just rights of the South, and to submit them to the Northern 
States also for their action. 

The Governor advises the calling of a State convention, to ascertain the 
wiU of the people on the subject. 



36 RESOLUTIONS. 



Message of the G-overnor of New Jersey. 

Governor Olden, of New Jersey, in his message, said : — 

It does not appear that the Legislature of New Jersey is at present 
called on to do any thing beyond what has been proposed, unless it may be 
to give some expression to her views. The people of this State beyond all 
question stand as a unit in favor of the Union, and are prepared to defend 
it, and to make all reasonable and proper concessions to insure its per- 
petuity. They also believe that the constitution as it is, affords protec- 
tion to the rights of all. Cherishing the most friendly spirit towards their 
brethren of the South, they would be the last to interfere with their 
rights. We remember that they are burdened with the anxieties and deep 
responsibilities of an institution for the introduction of which they are not 
accountable, but which was entailed upon them, and for the abolition of 
which, the wisdom of man has failed to suggest a humane and feasible 
plan, and which God, in his own good time and way, will bring about: 
and also that they have been irritated by a continued system of inter- 
ference with their aflairs, for the management of which they only are 
responsible. That they have done and said much that was unwise and 
uncalled for, and that serious counter charges could be readily made, is 
certain ; but they have enough of perplexity connected with their pecu- 
liar institution, to induce those not so burdened, to refrain from aggravat- 
ing their troubles. 

Unwilling to abandon the cause, and clinging to the hope that the 
committee of Congress, appointed for that purpose, will agree on measures 
of compromise, we anxiously await the result. If it should appear that 
their views cannot be harmonized, then I earnestly recommend (unless 
some more approved plan is proposed) without delay you adopt a resolu- 
tion inviting all the States to appoint delegates, in such manner as can be 
most speedily and satisfactorily done, who shall meet and endeavor to 
agree upon terms by which our Union may be saved. We cannot believe 
it possible that such a convention would fail to agree on terms acceptable 
to a majority in all sections of the country, and these terms could be 
presented to Congress as the united wish of the people of the States, 

It is not for our own State that we plead ; with a genial climate, pro- 
ductive soil, and favorable location, her people moral, industrious and 
enterprising. New Jersey, whether alone or connected with others, can 
take care of herself; but it is for that glorious Union, of which she is a 
part, for the illustrious past, the hopeful future, the cause of freedom 
everywhere, the claims of our children to the right of citizenship in the 
noblest republic the world has ever seen, and for the example we afford 
the nations of the earth. In the hand of God, who we confidently believe 
will order all things according as we do put our trust in Him, we leave the 
issue, praying that in mercy He would save us from ourselves. 

Resolutions. 

The following resolutions, presented in Congress and in the Legisla- 
ture of New York, are deemed of sufficient interest to be compiled with 
this history : 

Mr. Horace F. Clark, on the 9th of January, not Clark, Eep. N 
H., offered the following as an amendment to the Crittenden resolu- 
tions : 

Hesohed, That the provisions of the constitution are ample for the 
preservation of the Union, and the protection of all the material interests 
of the country ; that it needs to be obeyed rather than amended, and an 



RESOLUTIONS. 37 

extrication from our present difficulties is to be looked for in strenuous 
effbrts to preserve and protect the public property, and enforce the laws, 
rather than in new guarantees for particular interests, or compromises, or 
concessions to unreasonable demands. 

Resolved^ That all attempts to dissolve the Union, or overthrow the 
constitution, with the expectation of constructing it anew, are dangerous 
and illusory, and in the opinion of the Senate no reconstruction is practi- 
cable ; and, therefore, to the maintenance of the existing Union and Con- 
stitution should be directed all the energies of the government. 

In the New York State Legislature, on the 2d of January, Mr. Robin- 
son offered the following : — 

Whereas, The government of the Territories has long been a disturb- 
ing element in our national councils, and has of late given rise to political 
divisions that appear to admit of no compromise, and to threaten the 
integrity of the Union — one party insisting that the General Government 
shall protect slavery in the Territories, and another that it shall prohibit 
it, and still another'that it shall not interfere one way or the other. 

And rohereas, All parties loyal to the Constitution and Union, agree 
that each State has the sole and exclusive power of determining its own 
domestic institutions. Therefore, 

To the end that this impediment to our National harmony be forever 
removed, 

Resolved, (if the Senate concur,) That our Senators and Representatives 
in Congress be requested to use tlieir influence, after the admission of 
Kansas as a State on her present application, to divide all the remaining 
territory so as to form two States, to be admitted as States of this Union, 
so soon as the inhabitants thereof shall adopt State constitutions. Repub- 
lican in form. 

Resolved, (if the Senate concur,) That these resolutions with the vote 
of this Legislature thereon, be forthwith transmitted to the Governor of 
this State, to our Senators and Representatives in Congress, and to the 
Governors of the several States of this Union, 

On the 2d of January Mr. Spinola offered the following in the New 
York Senate : — 

Whereas, Treason, as defined by the Constitution of the United States, 
exists in one of the States of the confederacy, and whereas it is the re- 
ligious as well as the patriotic duty of each State in its sovereign capacity, 
as well as that of each citizen, to make every necessary sacrifice for the 
preservation of this union of States, as Lhey were united by Washing- 
ton and his associates; and whereas the State of New York is now, as it 
ever has been, and ever will be, unalterably and uncompromisingly in 
favor of the Union as it is ; therefore 

Resolved, (if the Assembly concur,) That the Governor be and hereby is 
directed, in the name of the people of the State of New York, to tender 
to the President of the United States the services of the militia of the 
State ; to be used in such manner and at such time as the President may 
deem best, to preserve the Union and enforce the constitution and laws 
of the country. 

Resolved, That the committee on military affiiirs be, and are hereby di- 
rected to inquire into the condition, efficiency, and available strength of 
the military force of the State, and to report to the Senate at the earliest 
practicable day what legislation, if any, is necessary to render that branch 
of government fully effective for any emergency that may arise ; and if 
requisite, that the said conmiittee report a bill to raise $10,000,000 to 
properly arm the State. 

On Thursday, January 3, the following resolutions were adopted as ex- 



38 RESOLUTIONS. 

pressive of the views and feelings of the committee of thirty-three, by 
Mr. Beistow, of Kentucky : — 

Resolved, That we recognize slavery, as now existing in fifteen of the 
United States by the usages and laws of those States, and we recognize no 
authority, legally or otherwise, outside of a State where it so exists, to in- 
terfere with slaves or slavery in such States, in disregard of the rights of 
their owners, or the peace of society. 

Resolved^ That we recognize the justice and propriety of a faithful exe- 
cution of the constitution and "all" laws made in pursuance thereof, in- 
cluding those on the subject of fugitive slaves, or fugitives from service or 
labor, and discountenance all mobs or hindrances to the execution of such 
laws, and that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privi- 
leges and immunities of the citizens of the several States. 

Resolved, That we recognize no such conflicting elements in its com- 
position, or sufficient cause from any source for a dissolution of this gov- 
ernment ; that we were not sent here to destroy, but to sustain and har- 
monize the institutions of the country, and to see that equal justice is 
done to all parts of the same, and finally to perpetuate its existence on 
terms of equality and justice to all the States. 

In the United States Senate, on the 2d January, Mr. Davis asked 
leave to present a preamble and resolutions, which was granted. They 
are as follows : — 

Whereas^ By the 2d and 8d Articles of the Constitution, it is provided 
that the militia shall be the security of the States, and also indirectly 
provided that a State may, in time of peace, keep troops and ships of war; 
and by the lYth clause of the 1st Article, that the jurisdiction of the Fed- 
eral Government is limited ; therefore 

Resolved, That upon the application of a State, either through a Con- 
vention or the Legislature, the Federal forces may be withdrawn, and 
that the President of the United States shall order the withdrawal of the 
Federal garrison, and take needful security for the safety of the public 
property remaining. 

Resolved, further, "Whenever a State in Convention, lawfully assem- 
bled, shall enact that the safety of the State requires the keeping of troops 
and ships of war, the President of the United States is hereby directed to 
recognize the power of the State to do so, and by his proclamation give 
information to all tlie parties concerned. 

Laid on the table and ordered to be printed. 

The following resolutions were adopted by the New York Legisla- 
ture on the 11th of January, and copies thereof transmitted to the Pres- 
ident, and to the Governors of the several States : — 

Whereas, The insurgent State of South Carolina, after seizing the post- 
oflSce, custom house, money and fortifications of the Federal Government, 
has, by firing into a vessel ordered by the Government to convey troops 
and provision to Fort Sumter, virtually declared war ; 

And ichereas, The forts and property of the United States government in 
Georgia, Alabama and Louisiana, have been unlawfully seized with hostile 
intentions ; 

And whereas. Their Senators in Congress avow and maintain their 
treasonable acts ; therefore 

Resolved, (if the Senate concur,) That the Legislature of New York is 
profoundly impressed with the value of the Union, and determined to 
preserve it unimpaired ; that it greets with joy the recent firm, dignified 
and patriotic special message of the President of the United States, and 
that we tender to him, through the Chief Magistrate of our own State, 
whatever aid in men and money may be required to enable him to en- 



Alf OTHER MESSAGE FROM! TUH PRESIDENT. 39 

force the laws, and uphold the authority of the Federal Government, and 
that ill the defence of the Union, which has conferred prosperity and 
happiness upon the American people, renewing the pledge given and re- 
deemed by our fathers, we are ready to devote our fortunes, our lives, 
and our sacred honor. s-^'v- ■ 

Resolved, (if the Senate concur,) That the Union-loving citizens and 
representatives of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Ken- 
tucky, Missouri and Tennessee, who labor with devoted courage and 
patriotism to withhold their States from tlie vortex of secession, are enti- 
tled to the gratitude and admiration of the whole people. 

Ecsoloed, (if the Senate concur,) Tliat the Governor be respectfully re- 
quested to forward forthwith, copies of the foregoing resolutions to the 
President of the nation, and the Governors of all the States of the Union. 

Another Message from the President. 

On the 28th of January, the President communicated the following 
Message to Congress : — 
To t?ie Senate and House of Rej^resentatives of the United States : 

I deem it ray duty to submit to Congress a series of resolutions adopted 
by the Legislature of Virginia on the 19th inst., having in view the peace- 
ful settlement of the existing questions which now threaten the Union. 
They were delivered to me on Thursday, the 24th inst., by Ex-President 
Tyler, who has left his dignified and honored retirement in the hope that 
he may render service to his country in this its hour of peril. These 
resolutions, it will be perceived, extend an invitation to all States, whether 
slaveholding or non-slaveholding, as are willing to unite with Virginia iii 
an earnest effort to adjust the present unhappy controversies in the spirit 
in which the Constitution was originally formed, and consistently with 
its principles, so as to afford to the people of the slaveholding States ade- 
quate security for their rights, to appoint commissioners to meet on the 
4th day of February next, in the city of Washington, similar commis- 
sioners appointed by Virginia, to consider, and, if practicable, agree upon 
some suitable adjustment. I confess, I hail this movement on the part of 
Virginia Avith great satisfaction. From the past history of this ancient 
and renowned commonwealth, we have the fullest assurance that what 
she has undertaken she will accomplish, if it can be done by able, en- 
lightened and persevering efforts. It is highly gratifying to know that 
other patriotic States have appointed and are appointing Commissioners 
to meet those of Virginia in council. When assembled they will consti- 
tute a body entitled, in an eminent degree, to the confidence of the coun- 
try. The General Assembly of Virginia have also resolved " that Ex- 
President John Tyler is hereby appointed by the concurrent vote of each 
branch of the General Assembly, a Commissioner to the President of the 
United States, and Judge John Robertson is hereby appointed, by a like 
vote, a Commissioner to the State of South Carolina, and the other States 
that have seceded, or shall secede, with instructions respectfully to request 
the President of the United States and the authorities of such States, to 
agree to abstain, pending the proceedings contemplated by the action of 
this General Assembly, from any and all acts calculated to produce a col- 
lision of arms between the States and the government of the United 
States." However strong may be my desire to enter into such an agree- 
ment, I am convinced that I do not possess the power. Congress, and 
Congress alone, under the war-making power, can exercise the discretion 
of agreeing to abstain from any and all acts calculated to produce a colli- 
sion of arms between this and any other government. It would therefore 
be a usurpation for the Executive to attempt to restrain their hands by 



40 CHAEGES OF TREASON. 

an agreement in regard to matters over -which he has no constitutional 
control. If he were thus to act they might pass laws which he should be 
bound to obey, though in conflict with his agreement. Under existing 
circumstances my present actual power is confined within narrow limits. 
It is my duty at all times to defend and protect the public property within 
the seceding States so far as may be practicable, and especially to employ 
the constitutional means to protect the property of the United States, and 
to preserve the public peace at this, the seat of the Federal Government. 
If tlie seceding States abstain from any and all acts calculated to produce 
a collision of arms, then the danger so much to be deprecated will no 
longer exist. Defence and not aggression has been the policy of the ad- 
ministration from the beginning; but whilst I can enter into no engage- 
ment such as that proposed, I cordially commend it to Congress, with much 
confidence, that it will meet their approbation to abstain from passing 
any law calculated to produce a collision of arms, pending the proceedings 
contemplated by the General Assembly of Virginia. I am one of those 
who will never despair of the Kepublic. I yet cherish the belief that the 
American people will perpetuate the Union of the States on some terms 
just and honorable for all sections of the country. I trust that the media- 
tion of Virginia may be the destined means, under the providence of God, 
of accomplishing this inestimable benefit. Glorious as are the memories 
of her past history, such an achievement both in relation to her own 
fame and the welfare of the whole country, would surpass them all. 

(Signed) James Buchais'an. 

Washington City, Jan. 28, 1861. 

Charges of Treason. 

On the 19th of January F. C. Treadwell, of :N'ew York, filed in the 
United States Supreme Court at Washington, an affidavit, charging certain 
persons with treason. The writ asked for was denied by Chief Justice 
Taney. The complaint sets forth the following : — 

That divers citizens, hereinafter named, of South Carolina and other 
States of this Union, and other persons to the affirmant unknown, owing 
allegiance to the United States of America, have conspired against the 
Constitution and government thereof, and have committed the crimes of 
misprision of treason, treason, and other high crimes and misdemeanors 
against the peace, welfare and dignity of the said United States, and the 
people thereof, and the Constitution and laws of the United States in such 
case made and provided ; to wit: 

James H. Hammond, J. W". Hayne, W. Porcher Miles, Milledge M, 
Bonham, William W. Boyce, James Chesnut, John McQueen, Lawrence 
M. Keitt, John D. Ashmore, James L. Orr, all of the State of South 
Carolina ; also, Jeflierson Davis, Albert G. Brown, William Barksdale, 
John J. McRea, Jacob Thompson, Reuben Davis, Otho E. Singleton, all 
of the State of Mississippi ; also, Judah P. Benjamin, Miles Taylor, John 
Slidell, Thomas G. Davidson, John M. Landrum, all of the State of 
Louisiana ; also, Robert Toombs, Peter E. Love, Thomas Hardeman, jr., 
J. W. H. Underwood, John J. Jones, A. Iverson, Martin J. Crawford, 
Lucius J. Gartrell, James Jackson, Howell Cobb, all of the State of 
Georgia; also, Benjamin Fitzpatrick, James A. Stallworth, David Clop- 
ton, George S. Houston, C. C. Clay, jr., James L. Pugh, Sydenham 
Moore, W. R. W. Cobb, Jabez L. M. Curry, all of the State of Alabama ; 
also, D. L. Yulee, S. R. Mallory, George "S. Hawkins, all of the State of 
Florida; also, Lewis T. AVigfall, John R. Reagan, all of the State of 
Texas ; also, Joseph Lane, of Oregon ; also, James M. Mason, Henry A. 
Wise, Roger A. Pry or, Robert M. T. Hunter, John B. Floyd, all of the 
State of Virginia. 



THE VALEDICTORY OP GOVERNOR GIST. 41 



The Valedictory of Governor Gist. 

On the 7tb of December, 1860, Governor Gist, of South Carolina, deliv- 
ered the following Valedictory Message to the Legislature at Columbia : 
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Repeesentatives : — 

Allow me in this, my last ofllcial communication, a parting word. 
South Carolina, after many long years of earnest but fruitless efforts to 
arrest the progress of fanaticism, and stay the hand of aggression upon her 
rights by the Northern States of the confederacy ; after vain remon- 
strances, and the solemn assurance that a free people could never submit 
to inequality and degradation, has at last determined, with unparalleled 
unanimity, \o sever the bonds that bind her to those States, and part com- 
pany with those that treat her citizens as aliens and enemies, rather than 
as friends and brethren. The comparatively small star which represents 
her on the national banner, and which has hitherto illumined the path of 
the traveller in search of constitutional liberty, must henceforth quit its 
appointed place, and shine only on a banner consecrated to equality and 
justice and Southern rights. To permit it to remain longer in its present 
association would only dim its lustre and ultimately quench its light. We 
were told by our great statesman that the cords of the Union were snap- 
ping, one by one, and now the last is broken. Could he have lived to wit- 
ness our regeneration, he would feel himself amply rewarded for all his 
toils and sacrifices, and would say, like Simeon of old, " Lord, now let- 
test thou thy servant depart in peace." A few more days, and the act of 
secession will be consummated by the solemn ordinance of a Convention 
of the people, and the glad tidings will go forth with lightning speed to 
every Southern State, to rejoice the hearts and cheer the drooping spirits 
of millions anxiously awaiting the signal for a general deliverance. We 
have progressed thus far with firm and even tread, with cahnness and de- 
liberation, but with a constancy of purpose not to be shaken by danger or 
suffering. A single pause, or the least vacillation, and all will be lost. How- 
ever anxious we may be for co-operation, or however certain we may be 
of obtaining it, let us first move ourselves as the best means o,f effecting 
that object, and, having forever closed the door from which we have 
passed out of the Union, so that no insidious devices of the enemy or false 
promises of pretended friends can avail to open it, then, and not until 
then, may we safely seek co-operation, and unite with other States who 
have resumed their sovereignty, and are prepared to form a more perfect 
union, and sliare with us a common destiny. Every sentinel should re- 
main at his post, and not relax a fibre until the great work is complete, 
the great battle fought, and a glorious victory achieved. The delay of the 
Convention for a single week to pass the ordinance of secession will have 
a blighting and chilling influence upon the action of the other Southern 
States, and the opponents of the movement everywhere will be encour- 
aged to make another effort to rally their now disorganized and scattered 
forces, to defeat our action and to stay our onward march. Fabius con- 
quered by delay ; and there are those of his school, though with a more 
unwortliy purpose, who, shriidcing from an open and manly attack, use 
this veil to hide tlieir deformity, and from a masked battery discharge 
their missiles. But I trust they will strike the 'armor of truth, and fall 
harmless at our feet, and that "by the 25lh of December no flag but the 
Palmetto will float over an}" part of South Carolina. 

It only remains for me to reque^^t the appointment of a committee to ex- 
amine the accounts of the Executive DojcuLment, and to inform you that 
I have no further communication to make. 

Wm. H. Gist. 



42 GENERAL WINTIELD SCOTT. 

Clinching the Nail. 

On the 28th of January the Legislature of South Carolina adopted the 
following : — 

Resolved, tmanimoushj, That the General Assembly of South Carolina 
tender to the Legislature of the State of Virginia their acknowledgments 
of the friendly motives which inspired the mission intrusted to the Hon. 
Judge Eobertson, her commissioner. Adopted unanimously. 

Resolved, imanimously. That candor, which is due to the long-continued 
sympathy and respect which has subsisted between Virginia and South 
Carolina, induces this Assembly to declare with frankness, that they do not 
deem it advisable to initiate negotiations when they have no desire or in- 
tention to promote the ultimate object in view — that object being, as 
declared in the resolution of the Virginia Legislature, the procurement of 
amendments or new guarantees to the Constitution of the United States. 
Adopted unanimously. 

Resolved, iinanimously, That the separation of South Carolina from the 
Federal Union is final, fand that she has no further interests in the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and that the only appropriate negotiations 
between her and the Federal Government are as to their mutual relations 
as foreign states. Adopted unanimously. 

Resolved, unanimously, That this Assembly further owe it to the 
friendly relations with the State of Virginia, to declare that they have no 
confidence in the Federal Government of the United States ; that the most 
solemn pledges of that Government have been disregarded ; that, under 
the pretence of preserving property, hostile troops have been attempted 
to be introduced into one of the fortresses of this State, concealed in the 
hold of a vessel of commerce, with a view to subjugate the people of 
South Carolina, and that even since the authorities at Washington have 
been informed of tlie present mediation of Virginia, a vessel-of-war has 
been sent to the South with troops and munitions of war concentrated on 
the soil of Virginia. Adopted unanimously. 

Resolved, unanimously, That in these circumstances this Assembly,^ 
with renewed assurance of cordial respect and esteem for the people of 
Virginia, and high consideration for her commissioner, decline entering 
into the negotiations proposed by both branches of the Virginia Legisla- 
ture. Adopted unanimously. 

General Winfield Scott. 

Every American heart beats proudly at the name of General Winfield 
Scott, so brave in the field, so wise in council, so true a patriot, and so 
loyal to the Constitution and the Union. 

An unbribeable, honest soldier, who is quick to see, and prompt to 
act, and with the courage of a lion in him. We trust that his military 
services may never be required in defence of the Union, against any foe. 
But if it should ever be necessary to defend the country against an enemy, 
here is the man— American to the backbone of him, who will do it or 
die. 

Winfield Scott was born the 18th June, 1786, near Petersburg, in 
Virginia. His descent may be traced from a Scottish gentleman of the 
Lowlands, who, with his elder brother, was engaged in the Kebellion of 
1745. 

General Scott's history is well known, and the part he played in the 
great drama of 1812, and in the Mexican war, was only equalled by the 
greatest generals of ancient and modern times. 

Dr. Channing thus speaks of his Indian mission to the Cherokees, in 



KESIGNATION OF SECRETARY THOMPSON. 43 

1838: "To tliis distingnisbed man belongs tlic rare honor of uniting with 
military energy and daring, the spirit of a philanthropist. His exploits in 
the field, -which have placed him in the first rank of our soldiers, have 
been obscured by the purer and more lasting glory of a pacificator, and of 
a friend of mankind. In the whole history of the intercourse of civilized 
with barbarous or half-civilized communities, we doubt whether a brighter 
page can be found than that w^hich records his agency in the removal of 
the Cherokees. In his recent mission to the disturbed borders of our 
country, he has succeeded, not so much by policy as by the nobleness and 
generosity of his character, by moral influences, by the earnest conviction 
with which he has enforced on all with whom he had to do, the obliga- 
tions of patriotism, justice, liumanity and religion. It would not be easy 
to find among us a man who has won a purer fame. And I am happy to 
ofier this tribute because I would do something, no matter how little, to 
hasten the time when the spirit of Christian humanity shall be accounted 
an essential attribute and the brightest ornament of a public man." 

In November, 1846, he sailed for Brazos San Jago, to superintend the 
expedition against Vera Cruz. The object of obtaining Vera Cruz was the 
establishment of a shorter route to the City of Mexico. 

His modesty and unpresuming disposition made him refuse the oflTer 
of the Secretaryship of War, after the ratification of peace in 1815. He 
accepted, however, a diplomatic mission to Europe, in the service of his 
country, and received for his admirable execution of it the thanks of the 
President. On his return, he took the seaboard command, making his 
headquarters in New York. In March, 1817, he married Miss Maria 
Mayo, daughter of John Mayo, Esq., of Richmond, Va. During the last 
twenty years he has lived in comparative seclusion, although as Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the American forces, he has had plenty of employ- 
ment. His activity at the present time, and his anxiety to prevent a 
bloody war between the North and South, the firm resolve to be pre- 
pared for it, and to devote his last days as well as his early years to his 
country's service, to maintain its honor and dignity both at home and 
abroad, have met with the approval and gratitude of every American 
citizen, who cares more for his country than for his party. 

Resignation of Secretary Thompson. 

On the 8th of January Jai^s Thoinpson, Secretary of the Interior, 
tendered his resignation to the President accompanied by the following 
note : — 

Washington, Jan, 8. 

Sir : It it with extreme regret I have just learned that additional 
troops have been ordered to Charleston. This subject lias been fre- 
quently discussed in cabinet councils ; and when on Monday night, Dec. 
31, ult., the orders for reinforcements to Fort Sumter were countermand- 
ed, I distinctly understood from you that no order of the kind would be 
made without being previously considei-ed and decided in cabinet. It is 
true that on Wednesday, Jan. 2, this subject Avas again discussed in 
cabinet ; but certainly no conclusion was reached, and the War Depart- 
ment was not justified in ordering reinforcements without something 
more than was then said. I learn, however, this morning, for the first 
time, that the steamer Star of the West sailed from New York last Satur- 
day night with 250 men, under Lieut. Bartlett, bound for Fort Sumter. 
Under these circumstances I feel myself bound to resign my commission, 
as one of your constitutional advisers, into your hands. 

With high respect, your obedient servant, 

J, Thompson. 

His Exceilenoy James Buchanan, President of the United States. 



44 SKETCH OF MAJOR ANDERSON. 



Sketch of Major Anderson. 

Major Robert Anderson was born in Kentucky, in September, 1805, 
and is now in liis 56th year. He is about five feet nine inches in height; 
his figure is well set and soldierly ; his hair is thin and turning to iron 
gray; his complexion swarthy; his eye dark and intelligent; his nose 
prominent and well formed. A stranger would read in his air and ap- 
pearance determination, and an exaction of what was due to him. He is 
always agreeable and gentlemanly, firm and dignified. On the 1st of July, 
1821, he entered the Military Academy at West Point, whence he gradu- 
ated July 1, 1825, taking a high position in a large class, composed of such 
men as Alexander Dallas Bache, Col, Benjamin Huger, Col. Francis Taylor, 
Col. Charles F. Smith, and others who have been distinguished as well in 
civil life as in the line of their profession. His first commission was that 
of brevet Second Lieut, of the Second Artillery, July 1, 1825, and he was 
subsequently promoted Second Lieut, in the Tliird regiment, dating from 
the same day. From May to October, 1832, he was acting Inspector 
General of the Illinois Volunteers, in the Black Hawk war; and it is here 
worthy of note that our President elect, Mr. Lincoln, was one of the cap- 
tains of those troops. In June, 1S33, he was promoted First Lieut., and 
between 1835 and 1837 was Assistant Instructor and Inspector at the 
U. S. Military Academy. In 1838 he became Aid-de-camp to Major-Gen- 
eral Scott, and in the following year published " Instruction for Field Ar- 
tillery, Horse and Foot, arranged for the service of the United States," 
which has been highly approved of. For gallantry and successful conduct 
in the war against the Florida Indians, he received the brevet of Captain, 
bearing date April 2, 1838. July 7, 1838, he became Assistant Adjutant 
General, with the rank of Captain, which he relinquished subsequently to 
being promoted to a captaincy in his regiment, October, 1841. In March, 
1847, he was with the Third regiment of artillery in the army of General 
Scott, and took part in the siege of Vera Cruz — being one of the officers 
to whom was entrusted, by General Bankhead, the command of the bat- 
teries. This duty he performed with signal skill and gallantry, and he 
continued with the array until its triumphal entry into the city of Mexico, 
in September following. During the operations in the valley of Mexico, 
he was attached to the brigade of (s^i^itel Garland, which formed a part 
of General Worth's division. In the atta'ck on El Molino del Key, on the 
8th of September, where he was wounded very severely, his conduct was 
the theme of especial praise on the part of his superior officers. Captain 
Burke, his immediate commander, in his despatch of September 9, says: 
— " Captain Robert Anderson (acting field oflScer) behaved with great he- 
roism on this occasion. Even after receiving a severe and painful wound, 
he continued at the head of the column, regardless of pain and self-preser- 
vation, and setting a handsome example to his men, of coolness, energy, 
and courage." General Garland speaks of him as being, with " some few 
others, the very first to enter the strong position of El Molino," and adds 
that " Brevet Major Buchanan, Fourth infantry ; Captain Anderson, Third 
artillery, and Lieut. Sedgwick, Second artillery, appear to have been par- 
ticularly distinguished for their gallant defence of the captured works." 
In addition to this testimony to his bearing on that occasion we have that 
of General Worth, who particularly directed the attention of the Com- 
mander-in-Chief to the part he had taken in the action. "For gallant 
and meritorious conduct in the battle of Molino del Rey " he was promot- 
ed to the brevet rank of Major, dating from September 8, 1847. October 
5, 1857, he was promoted to the position of Major of the First artillery, 
which he now holds. 



FORTIFICATIONS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 



45 



Gov. Pickens, of South Carolina. 

Governor Pickens comes of good revolutioDary stock. His grand- 
father, General Pickens, commanded the American forces at the battle of 
the Oowpens. His father, Colonel Pickens, held a military command in 
the war of 1812, though it is not known that he was ever engaged in ac- 
tive service. The present Governor, Francis W. Pickens, was horn in 
South Carolina about fifty years ago, and lias been some twenty years in 
public life. 

He took an active part in the nullification movement in 1832, and was 
one of the most ardent champions of actual resistance by arms. In 1835 
he was sent to Congress, where he represented one of the South Carolina 
districts for ten years. He was offered the mission to England by Presi- 
dent Polk, and the mission to France by President Tyler: he_ declined 
these, but accepted from President Buclianan the mission to Eussia, which 
he filled until recently. On his return home he was elected, as the world 
knows, first Governor of the independent State of South Carolina. 

Fortifications in the Southern States. 

Subjoined is a list of fortifications, taken from Col. Totten's report 
made to Congress a few years ago, giving the cost of each, and the num- 
ber of guns they severally mount: 

Table of Navy Yards and Principal Forts South of Hasan and Dixon's Line, 
showing the position, cost, and strength of each. 



Where located. 



Fort McHenry, Baltimore 

*Fort Carroll, Baltimore 

Fort Delaware, Delaware river, Del 

Fort Madison, Annapolis, Md 

Fort Severn, Maryland 

Fort Washington, Potomac river 

Fort Monroe, Old Point Comfort, Va 

Fort Callioun, Hampton Roads, Norfolk 

Fort Macon, Beaufort, N. C 

Fort Johnson, Cape Fear, Wilmington, N. C 

Fort Caswell, Oak Island, N. C 

Fort Sumter, Charleston, S. C 

Castle Pinckney, Charleston, S. C 

Fort Moultrie, Charleston, S. C 

Fort Pulaski, Savannah, Ga 

Fort Jackson, Savannah, Ga 

Fort Marion, St. Augustine, Fla 

Fort Taylor, Key West 

Fort Jefferson, Tortugas 

Fort Barrancas, Pensacola 

Redoubt, Pensacola 

Fort Pickens, Pensacola 

Fort McRee, Pensacola 

Fort Morgan, Mobile 

Fort St. Phillip, mouth of Mississippi river 

Fort Jackson, mouth of Mississippi river 

Fort Pike, Rigolets, La 

Fort Macomb, Chef Menteur, La 

Fort Livingston, Barrataria Bay, La 

* Incomplete 



Cost. 


Men. •" 


Guns. 


$146,000 


350 


74 


135,000 


800 


159 


539,000 


750 


151 


15,000 


150 


31 


6,000 


60 


14 


575,000 


400 


88 


2,400,000 


2,450 


371 


1,664,000 


1,120 


224 


460,000 


300 


61 


5,000 


60 


10 


571,000 


400 


81 


677,000 


650 


146 


43,000 


100 


25 


75,000 


300 


54 


923,000 


800 


1.50 


80,000 


70 


14 


51,000 


100 


25 




1,000 

1,500 

250 


185 




298 


315,000 


49 


109,000 




26 


759,000 


1,260 


212 


384,000 


650 


151 


1,212,000 


700 


132 


143,000 


600 


124 


817,000 


600 


150 


472,000 


300 


49 


447,000 


300 


49 


342,000 


300 


52 



46 



FORTIFICATIONS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 



In addition to these are incomplete works at Ship Island, Mississippi 
River; Georgetown, S. C. ; Port Royal Roads, S. C. ; Tybee Islands, 
Savannah ; Galveston, Brazos, Santiago and Matagorda Bay, Texas. The 
guns which were lately stopped at Pittsburg were designed for those at 
Galveston and Ship Island. 

Hampton Roads is the great naval depot station and rendezvous of the 
Southern coasts, 

Pensacola is very strong, and the only good harbor for vessels of war, 
and the only naval depot on the Gulf. The fortresses of Key West and 
Tortugas, on the southern point of Florida, are among the most powerful 
in the world ; and every vessel that crosses the Gulf passes within sight 
of both. 

The North Carolina forts seized on the 8th of January were subse- 
quently restored by the Governor. 

The following table shows the location, cost, war garrison, and the 
number of guns in the forts seized : — 



Where located. 



Fort Macon, Beaufort, N. C 

Fort Jolmson, Wilmington, N. C... 

Fort Caswell, Oak Island, N. C 

Castle Pinckney, Charleston, S. C. 

Fort Moultrie, Charleston, S. C 

Fort Pulaski, Savannah, Ga 

Fort Jackson, Savannah, Ga , 

Fort Barrancas, Pensacola 

Fort McRee, Pensacola 

Fort Morgan, Mobile 

Fort St. Philip, mouth Mississippi. 
Fort Jackson, mouth Mississippi... 

Fort Pike, Rigolets, La 

Fort Macomb, Chef Monteur, La... 



Totals $5,947,000 



Cost. 


Men. 


Guns. 


$460,000 


300 


51 


5,000 


60 


10 


571,000 


400 


81 


43,000 


100 


25 


75,000 


30 


54 


923,000 


800 


150 


80,000 


70 


14 


315,000 


250 


49 


384,000 


650 


151 


1,212,000 


700 


132 


143,000 


600 


124 


817,000 


600 


150 


472,000 


300 


49 


447,000 


300 


49 


$5,947,000 


5,430 


1,099 



The fort at Smith's Island, Mississippi, is incomplete, and has no 
armament. 



THE FORTIFICATIONS AT PENSACOLA. 

Pensacola Bay has rare properties as a harbor. It is now accessible to 
frigates. The bar is near the coast, and the channel across it short and 
easily passed. The harbor is perfectly land-locked, and the roadstead 
very capacious. There are excellent positions within for repairing, build- 
ing and launching vessels, and for docks and dock-yards in healthy situa- 
tions. The supply of good water is abundant. These properties, in 
connection with the position of the harbor, as regards the coast, have in- 
duced the Government to select it as a Naval station, and a place of 
rendezvous and repair. The upper arms of Pensacola Bay receive the 
Yellow Water of Pea River, Middle River, and Escambia River, eleven 
miles from the Gulf. 

SANTA ROSA ISLAND. 

Santa Rosa Island is situated east by north-west by south fourteen 
leagues, and completely shuts out Pensacola from the sea. It is so low 
that the sea in a gale washes its top. It is not more than one-fourth of a 
mile wide. The west point of this island is at the mouth of Pensacola 
Bay. The latter is not over one and' a quarter miles wide. 



FORTIFICATIONS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. |^47 



FOET PIOKENS. 

The principal means of defence to the mouth of Pensacola Bay and the 
Naval station is Fort Pickens. This fort is a first-chiss bastioned fort, 
built of New York granite, and situated on low ground on the east point 
of Santa Rosa Island. Its walls are forty-five feet in height by twelve 
feet in thickness; it is embrasured for two tiers of guns, which are placed 
under bomb-proof casemates, besides having one tier of guns en barbette. 
The guns from this fort radiate to every point of the horizon, with flank 
and enfilading lire at every angle of approach. The work was commenced 
in 1828 and finished in 1853. It cost the Federal Government nearly one 
million of dollars. When on a war footing its garrison consists of 1,260 
soldiers. Its armament, only a portion of which is within its walls, con- 
sists of: 

Guns. 

42-pounder iron guns 63 

32-pounder iron guns 17 

34-pounder iron guns 49 

16-pouiider iron guns 5 

12-pounder iron guns 13 

Brass field pieces 6 

Brass flank howitzers 20 

Heavy 8-inch howitzers 13 

13-inch mortar 1 

Heavy 10-inch mortars 4 

Light 8-inch mortars 4 

16-inch stone mortars 4 

Cohorn mortars 5 

Total armament 210 

The fire from this work completely covers the navy yard, and in case 
the latter is held by the Federal authorities, it would not hold out long 
against Fort Pickens. The bar on the exterior of the Bay is three miles 
distant, and beyond that there are no facilities for a hostile fleet to lie in 
safety. All the forts in Pensacola Bay are ere this garrisoned by Alabama 
troops, who were invited there by the Governor of Florida. 

FORT MCKAE. 

This fortification is situated on Foster's Bank, and guards the west 
side of the mouth of Pensacola Bay. It is a bastioned fort, built of brick 
masonry, with walls 12 feet in thickness. It is embrasured for two tiers 
of guns, under bomb-proof casemates, and has one tier eji barbette. Its 
armament consists of 150 guns, and in time of war requires a garrison of 
650 men. The work cost the Government about $400,000. Its guns 
radiate at every point of the horizon. It is a very effective work. The 
full armament of the fort is not complete, but a suflacieut number of guns 
are in battery to make a very good defence in conjunction with Fort 
Pickens. Below this fort is a water battery, which mounts some eight 
or ten guns. The interior of Fort McPtae is provided with the necessary 
ahot furnaces, officers' and soldiers' quarters, magazines, &c. 

FORT BARRANCAS 

is on the north of Pensacola Bay, and directly fronting the entrance to its 
mouth. The work is erected on the site of an old Spanish fort. The fort 
is a bastioned work, built of heavy masonry, and mounts 49 guns, and in 
time of war requires a garrison of 250 naen. Armament of the work is 
fully mounted, and its magazines are in good order. In the rear of the 
fort is a redoubt, which is auxiliary to Fort Barrancas. Some extensive 



48 FORTIFICATIONS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 

repairs have recently been completed on this redoubt, and the flanking 
howitzers of scarp and counterscarp can be mounted with very little 
labor. 

THE EEINFOROEMENT OF THE TOETUGAS FOET. 

The steamship Joseph Whitney, Loveland, arrived at Fort Jeft'erson, 
Tortugas, the 18th Jan., with Major Arnold's company of artillery from 
Fort Winthrop, Boston harbor. Major A.'s command will garrison Fort 
•Jefferson. Captain M, Meigs, engineer corps, has charge of the construc- 
tion of the fortifications, while Major Arnold is the military commander 
only. 

Captain Meigs will now be able to hold the work against any but a 
regular besieging force. Fort Jefferson covers the entire surface of Gar- 
den Key, and has an area of thirteen and a half acres. Although not 
armed, it is completely closed, and cannot be surprised by an escalading 
party. The first and second tiers (casemated) are pierced for over three 
hundred and fifty guns. A wide ditch, communicating with the sea, 
surrounds the entire work, and this is protected by a counterscrap of 
gi'eat strength. The guns of the fort command the inner harbor. The 
outer anchorage is beyond the reach of the heaviest guns. Fort Jefferson, 
when completed, will mount four hundred and fifty guns, and will require 
a garrison of one thousand men. 

The Commandant at Fort Pickens. 

Lieutenant Adam J. Slemmer comes of good revolutionary stock. 
Both his grandfathers were soldiers in the Revolution, and did good ser- 
vice in New Jersey. They were natives of Philadelphia. Lieut. Slemmer 
is a native of Montgomery County, Penn. He graduated at West Point 
in 1850, and was assigned to duty in the First Artillery, and ordered to 
Florida to hold the Seminole Lidians in check ; was there promoted, and 
ordered to San^Diego, California, and from thence sent to Fort Yuma, a 
sandy, barren, and one of the most undesirable posts in the country. Being 
again promoted, he was ordered to Fort Moultrie, Charleston harbor. 
After being there a short time he was invited by Mr. Bache, Superintend- 
ent of the Coast Survey, to enter that service, which was accepted, and 
duty assigned. His name was, therefore, sent by the Superintendent to the 
{)roper bureau, the Secretary of which being absent at the time, it was 
laid upon the desk. Before his return, liowever, the Superintendent of 
the West Point Academy made application to the Secretary of War for 
the appointment of Lieut. Slemmer as a teacher in that institution, which 
duty was assigned him. Having served the regular term (four years) in 
that capacity, the greater part of the time as Teacher of Mathematics, he 
was again o/dered to Fort Moultrie, and subsequently transferred to the 
Pensacola station, and put in command of that post, which consists of the 
barracks, Fort Barrancas, Fort McRae and Fort Pickens. At the com- 
mencement of the diflBculties he occupied the barracks, and taking the 
same precaution as Major Andei-son, he sought the strongest fort, and re- 
moved his command to Fort Pickens. 



Il^TEEESTIJ^G SKETCHES, i 
STATISTICS, ETC. 



The Dream of John C. Calhoun. 

It laay not be considered inappropriate by some — althongli it may by 
others — to produce at this time the narrative of a vision, which it is said 
Mr. John C. Calhoun had some years ago :— it was written by Mr. James 
A. Scoville, f(;r many years the private secretary of that distinguished 
statesman : 

The other morning, at the breakfast table, our friend, the Hon. John 
C. Calhoun, seemed very much troubled and out of sj)irits. You know he 
is altogether a venerable man, with a hard Scotch-Irish face, softened in 
its expression, around the moutli, by a sort of sad smile, which won the 
hearts of all Avho conversed with him. His hair is now snow white. He 
is tall, slim, and angular. He reminds you very much of Old Hickory. 
That he is honest, no one doubts ; he has sacriticed to his fatnlism his 
brightest hopes of political advancement — has otfered upon the shrine of 
that necessity which he worships all that can excite ambition — even the 
Presidency of the United States. 

But to my story : The other morning at the breakfast table, when I, 
an unobserved spectator, happened to be present, Calhoun was observed 
to gaze frequently at his right hand, and brush his left in a hurried and 
excited manner. He did it so often that it excited attention. At length 
one of the ])ersons composing the breakfast party — his name, I think, is 
Toombs, and he is a member of Congress from Gefirgia — took upon him- 
self to ask the occasion of Mr. Calhoun's inquietude. 

" Does your hand pain you ? " he asked of Mr. Calhoun. 

To this Mr. Calhoun replied, in rather a flurried manner. " Pshaw, it 
is nothing. Only a dream I had last night, and which makes me see, per- 
petually, a large black spot, like an ink blotch, upon the back of my right 
hand. An optical illusion, I suppose." 

Of course, these words excited the curiosity of the company, but no 
one ventured to beg the details of this singular dream, until Mr. Toombs 
asked quietly : — 

" "What is your dream like ? I am not very superstitious about dreams, 
but sometimes th.ey have a great deal of trutii about them." 

"But this was such a peculiarly absurd dream," said Mr. Calhoun, 
again brushing the back of his right hand ; " hov/evcr, if it does not in- 
trude too much on the time of our friends, I will relate it to you." 

Of course the company were profuse in their expressions of anxiety 

4 



50 THE DEEAM OF JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

to know all about the dream. In his singularly sweet voice Mr. Calhoun 
related it. 

_At a late hour last night, as I was sitting in my room, engaged in 
writing, I was astonished at the entrance of a visitor who entered, and, 
without a word, took a seat opposite me at the tahle. This surprised me, 
as I had given particular orders to the servant that I should, on no ac- 
count, be disturbed. The manner in w^hich the intruder entered, so per- 
fectly self-possessed, taking his seat opposite me without a word, as though 
my room and all within it belonged to him, excited in me as much sur- 
prise as indignation. As I raised my head to look at his features, over 
the top of my shaded lamp, I discovered that he was wrapped in a thin 
cloak, which effectually concealed both his face and features from view ; 
and, as I raised my head, he spoke — 

" Wiiat are you writing, Senator from South Carolina ? " 

I did not think of his impertinence at iirst, but answered him volun- 
tarily : 

" I am writing a plan for the dissolution of the American Union." 
(You all know, gentlemen, that I am expected to produce a plan in the 
event of certain contingencies.) 

To this the intruder replied, in the coolest manner possible : 

" Senator from South Carolina, will you allow me to look at your right 
band ? " 

He arose, the cloak fell, and I beheld his face. Gentlemen, the sight 
of that face struck me like a clap of thunder. It was the face of a dead 
man, whom extraordinary events had called back to life. The features 
were those of General George Washington! — yes, gentlemen, the intruder 
was none other than General George 'Washington. He was dressed in the 
Revolutionary costume, such as you see in tlie Patent Office. 

Hon. Mr. Calhoun paused, apparently much agitated. His agitation, I 
need not tell you, was shared by the company. At length Mr. Toombs 
broke the embarrassing pause: 

" Well, what was the issue of this scene? " 

Mr. Calhoun resumed : 

The intruder, as I have said, rose and asked to look at my right hand. 
As though I had no power to refuse, I extended it. The truth is I felt a 
strange thrill pervade me at his touch ; he grasped it and held it near the 
light, thus giving me time to examine every feature. It was the face of 
Washington. Gentlemen, I shuddered as I beheld the horrible dead-olive 
of that visage. After holding my hand a moment, he looked at me stead- 
fastly and said in a quiet way : 

"And with this right hand you would sign your name to a paper de- 
claring the Union dissolved ? " 

I answered in the affirmative, " Yes, if a certain contingency arises, I 
will sign my name to the declaration of dissolution." But that moment a 
black blotch appeared upon tlie back of my hand — an inky blotch, which 
I seem to see now — "What is that?" said I, alarmed, -I know not why, 
at the blotch upon my hand. 

" That," said he, dropping my hand, " is the mark by which Benedict 
Arnold is known in the next world." 

He said no more, gentlemen, but drew from beneath his cloak an ob- 
ject which he laid upon the table ; laid it upon the very paper upon whicli 
X was writing; the object, gentlemen, was a skeleton. 

"There," said he, "there are the bones of Isaac Ilayne, who was hung 
at Charleston by the British. He gave his life to establish this Union. 
When you put your name to the declaration of a dissolution, why, you 
may as well have the bones of Isaac Hayne before you. He was a South 
Carolinian ; so are you. But there was no blotch on his hand! " 

With these words the intruder left the room. I started back with the 



THE NAVY OF THE UNITED STATES. 61 

contact with the dead man's bones, and awoke. Overworn witli labor, I 
had fallen asleep and been dreaming. "Was it not a singular dream ? 

All the company answered in the affirmative, and Toombs muttered 
" singular — very singular," and, at the same time, looking curiously at the 
back bf his right hand, while Mr. Calhoun placed his head between his 
hands, and seemed buried in thought. 



The Navy of the United States. 

THE HOME SQUADRON. 

The following list of these and other vessels of the Navy now in active 
service, will be interesting : — 

BrooUyn, first-class steam-sloop, 25 guns, Capt. W. S. Walker, now at 
Hampton Roads. 

Crusailer, third-class screw-steamer, 8 guns, Lieut.-comraanding J. N. 
Maffit, at Mobile Bay, Jan. 6. 

Falmouth, store sailing ship, Lieut.-comraanding Charles Thomas, 
moored at Aspinwall. 

Mohawlc, third-class screw-steamer, 5 guns, Lieut.-commanding T. A. M. 
Craven, cruising off Cuba and Key "West. 

Macedonian, first-class sailing-sloop, 22 guns, Capt. James Glynn, sailed 
from Portsmouth Jan. 13, probably for the Gulf. 

Pawnee, third-class screw-steamer, 4 gims. Com. S. C. Eowan, at Phil- 
adelphia, repairing engines. 

Pocahontas, second-class screw-sloop, 5 guns. Com. S. H. Hazzard, at 
Vera Cruz, Dec. 23. 

Poichatan, first-class steam-sloop (paddles), 11 guns, Capt. Samuel 
Mercer, Vera Cruz, Dec. 23. 

Sahine, sailing-frigate, 50 guns, Capt. H. A. Adams, at Sacrificios, 
V. C, Dec. 23. 

St. Louis, first-class sailing- sloop, 20 guns. Com. Charles H. Poor, Sac- 
rificios, V. C, Dec. 23. 

Supply, store-ship, 4 guns, Com. Henry Walker, sailed from Pensacola 
Jan. 12, for Vera Cruz. 

Wt/andotte, third-class screw-steamer, Lieut.-commanding 0. H. Berry- 
man, otf Pensacola, Jan. 10. 

The other vessels are distributed as follows : — 

Mediterkaneax SqtvAdrox. — The Iroquois, Release, Richmond, and 
Susquehanna. 

Brazil Squadron. — Congress, PulasM, and Seminole. 

African Squadron. — Constellation, Mohican, Mystic, Portsmouth, Re- 
lief., San Jacinto, Sumter, and Saratoga. 

Pacific Squadron. — Cyane, Frcdonia, Lancaster, Levant (missing), 
Narraganset, St. Marys, Saranac, Wyoming, and Warren. 

East India Squadron. — Dacotah^ Hartford, John Adams, Saginaw, 
and Vandalia. 

On Special Service.— The Constitution at Annapolis, the Niagara 
last at Hong Kong, and Pensacola fitting out at Washington Navy Yard. 

recent resignations from the navy. 

Captain. — Victor M. Eandolph, Virginia. 

Commanders.— U. C. Hartstene, South Carolina ; T. W. Brent, Florida ; 
E. Farrand, New Jersey. 

Lieutenants. — T. P. "Pelot, South Carolina; James H. North, South Car- 
olina; John M. Stribling, South Carolina; R. T. Chapman, Alabama; 
Francis B. Renshaw, Tennessee; J. R. Eggleston, Mississippi ; George E. 



52 HIS FIRST SURRENDER. 

Law, Indiana; J. R. Hamilton, South Carolina ; Robert Selden, Virginia; 
A. F. Worsley, South Carolina; Thomas B. linger, South Carolina. 

Surgeon. — "W. A. "W. Scotewood, Virginia. 

Passed Assistcmt Surgeon. — A. M. Lynach, South Carolina. 

Assistant Surgeon. — C. E. Lining, South Carolina. 

Paymaster. — W. \Y. J. Kelly, Florida. 

Masters.—ZoXvn Pearson, Florida; T. B. Mill?, Alabama. 

Midsliipmen. — John T. Walker, South Carolina; S. S. Gregory, North 
Carolina; John Gemball, South Carolina; W. W. Wilkinson, South Caro- 
lina; E. C.-Merriuian, iSTew Yoi"k ; J. E. Holconibe, Georgia; H. L. Hill; 
Robert Flourney. Georgia; William E. Yancey, Alabama; John R. Price, 
Alabama; S. G. Stone, Alabama; J. G. Baldwin; Kapoleou J. Smith, 
Alabama ; F. M. Roby, Mississippi ; Wm. F. Robinson, Alabama ; Robert 
E. Fonte, Tennessee ; R. H. Bacot, South Carolina. 

Engineer. — E. S. Boynton, Connecticut. 

Naxy Agent. — B. D. Heriot, South Carolina. 

Naml Store Keeper. — S. C. Gonzales. Florida. 

His First Surrender. 

A Tallahassee correspondent of the Jacksonville Southern Confederacy 
gives the following account of the capture of a United States .arsenal : 

"About seven o'clock on the morning of the 6th inst., the arsenal at 
Appalachicola, at the mouth of the Chattahoochee river, was besieged by 
the troops of the State of Florida. In consequence of the weakness of the 
command an entrance was gained. Mr. Powell, who has been in the 
service of the United States since 1840, and had command of the place, 
acted in a gallant manner. After the troops had entered, he faced the 
line and thus addressed them : 

" ' Officeks and Soldiers : Five minutes ago I was the commander of 
this arsenal; but, in consequence of the weakness of my command, I am 
obliged to surrender, an act wliicli I have hitherto never had to do dnring 
my whole military career. If I had a force equal to or even half the 
strength of your own, I'll be damned if you would ever had entered that 
gate until you walked over my dead body. You see that I have but three 
men. These are laborers, and cannot contend against you. Take my 
sword, Captain Jones! ' 

"Cai)tain Jones of the Young Guard of Quincy received Jlr. Powell's 
sword, and then returned it to him and addressed him as follows: 

"'My dear Sir! Take your sword! You are too brave a man to 
disarm ! ' 

" The whole command then gave three clieers for the gallant Powell." 

Captain Abner Donbleday, 

second in command at Fort Sumter, was born at Balston Spa, ISTew York, 
in 1819, entered West Point in 1833, and graduated in 1842. He served 
gallantly in Mexico and Florida till 1858, when he was sent to Fort 
Moultrie. 

Capt. "Wm. S. Walker, of the Brooklyn. 

The United States sloop-of-war, Brooklyn, is commanded by Captain 
Wm. S. Walker, who is a native of N^ew Hampshire. He entered the navy 
as a midshipman at twenty years of age,, and has reached his pi-eseut posf- 
tion by regular promotion. He commanded the Saratoga in the Japan 
expedition, and during the war with Mexico commanded a gun-beat, but 
was not called into active service. He is about sixty years of a^ie, and 
is highly esteemed by those Avho know him. He is a brave and gallant 



DISTRIBUTION OF ARMS AMONG THE SLAVE STATES. 



53 



officer, and one of the best disciplinarians in the navy. Two of his chil- 
dren live iu Boston. 

The Duties on Sugar. 
Tlie amount of duties paid on sugars imported into this conntry, to 
protect the interests of Louisiana, has averaged more than seven millions 
per annum for the last five years, and during tiie decade closed have 
amounted fully to fifty-seven millions of dollars. In 18fi0 tlie value of 
sugar imported was $28,931,100, the duty on which (twenty-four per 
cent.) amounted to 16,943,664. Of the total consumption of sugar in this 
country, it is estimated that forty per cent, is the productof the Lcuiisiana 
plantations. Tlie capital invested iu these is probably not less than thirty 
millions of dollars, and may exceed that figure considerably. During the 
last quarter of a century the sugar product of that State must have reach- 
ed the sum of $250,000,000. 

Distribiition of Arms among the Slave States. 

On the 30th of December, 1859, an order was received from the War 
Department, directing the transfer of 115,000 muskets from the Spring- 
field, Mass., and Watervliet, iST. Y., arsenals, to different arsenals at the 
South. Orders ^vere given, in obedience to these instructions, on the 30th 
of May, 18G0, and the arras were removed during tlie past spring, from 
and to the i)!aces as follows : 

From Springfield Armory, 65,000 percussion muskets, caliber 69-lOQths 
of an inch. 

From Watertowft^ Arsenal, 6,000 percussion rifles, caliber 54-lOOths of 
an inch. 

From "VYr.tervliet Arsenal, 4,000 percussion rifles, caliber 5 '-lOOths of 
an inch. 

Of which there were sent as follows: 



Charleston. (S. C.) arsenal. 

North Carolina arsenal 

Augusta (Ga.) arsenal 

Mount Vernon, Ala , 

Baton Rouge, La 



Percussion 

Muskets. 



9,280 
15,408 
12,380 

9,280 
18,520 



Altorrd 
Muskets. 



5,720 
9,520 
7,620 
5,720 
11,420 



I'ercus 
Rule 



2,000 
2,000 
2,000 
2,000 
2,000 



The arms thus transferred which were at the Charleston Arsenal, the 
Mount A^ernon Arsenal, and the Baton Rouge Arsenal, have been seized 
by the authorities of the several States of South Carolina, Alabama, and 
Louisiana, and are no longer in possession of the Ordnnnce Department. 
Those stored at the Augusta Arsenal and at North Carolina are still in 
charge of the officers of this Department. 

In addition to the foregoing, there have been transfers fi-om the armo- 
ries to different arsenals, as the exigencies of the service demanded, for 
immediate issues to the army and to tiie States, under the act of April, 
^31,808, and which I infer are not intended to be embraced in the call of 
the House of Representatives. 

Thirty-six Thirty. 

The reader who is curious to know exactly where runs this oft-men- 
tioned line, will get a clear idea of it. by taking the m.ap and tracing it as 
follows: It connnences at the point on the Atlantic coast, where the 
dividing line between Virginia and North Carolina commences; passes 
along tlie line dividing those States; ahmg the line between Tennessee 
and Kentucky; ah)ng the line between the States of Missouri and Arkan- 



54 



POPULATION OF THE SOUTHERN STATES. 



sas, thence through the Territory of the Cherokee nation, through New 
Mexico, striking the Eastern boundary of the State of California, a short 
distiince south of the Middle, striking the Pacific a short distance south 
of Monterey Bay. On the south of that line there are about 300,000 
square miles, including Indian reservations, while on the north there are 
about 1,300,000 square miles. Of the 300,000 square miles south of 36° 
30' there is not the slightest probability that there could be carved out 
more than one slave State. All New Mexico, comprising about 210,000 
square miles, would never become slave territory, from the fact that it is 
not adapted to slave labor. It produces neitlier cotton nor cane. 

Population of the SoTithern States. 



Free. 



Total. 



South Carolina. 

Mississippi 

Florida 

Alabama 

Georgia 

Louisiana 

Texas 

Arkansas 

North Carolina. 

Missouri , 

Kentucky 

Tennessee 

Virginia 



308,186 
407,551 
81,885 
520,444 
615,336 
354.245 
415,099 
331,710 
679,065 

1,085,590 
933,707 
859,528 

1,097,373 



Total of thirteen states 7,691,519 



407,185 
479,607 
63,809 
435,473 
467,461 
312,186 
184,956 
109,065 
328,477 
115,619 
225,902 
4287,012 
'495,826 



715,371 

887; 158 

145,694 

955,917 

1,082,797 

666,431 

600,955 

440,775 

1,088,342 

1,201,209 

1,1.59,609 

1,146,540 

1,593,199 



3,912,478 



11,603,997 



The Debts of the Seceding States. 
The following is a statement of the debt of the states which have at 
the present time withdrawn from the Union : 

South Carolina $6,192,743 

Florida 158,000 

Georgia 3,354,750 

Alabama 5,098,000 

Mississippi 7,271,707 

Louisiana 10,701,642 

A New Fugitive Slave I^aw. 

In the Senate, on Saturday, January 26, Mr. Douglas introduced the 
following bill, amendatory of and supplemental to the acts of the 12th of 
Februar}^, 1793, and the 12th of September, 1850, in respect to the rendi- 
tion of fugitives from justice and service : — 

Sec. 1 provides that the demand by a Governor of a State or territory 
for the surrender of a fugitive from justice shall be made upon a judge of 
any federal court in the State or territory where the fugitive has^ taken 
refuge, instead of being made on the Governor, as by the act of 1793, 
which was rendered nugatory by the decision of the Supreme Court of 
the United States in the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania. It is also pro- 
vided that the words "treason, felony, and other crimes" shall be con- 
strued to include all offences committed within and against the State or 
territory making the demand, whether the act cliarged were criminal or 
not in the State where the fugitive was found. 

Sec. 2. provides for giving the fugitive slave a jury trial in the State 
o r territory from which he lied. 



BENJAMIN FEANKLIN ON THE CRISIS. 55 

Sec. 3 provides tliat when, through violence or intimidation, n. fugitive 
slave shall not be recovered, the owner may bring suit for and recover the 
value in the Court of Claims, the amount to be paid from the United 
States Treasury, the solicitor thereof to bring suit, in the name of the 
United States, against the county, city, or municipality, where the re- 
covery was prevented, for the amount paid for such fugitive. 

Sec. 4 repeals all offensive parts of the act of 1850 in respect to the 
harboring and protecting fugitives, and to the fees paid in case of rendi- 
tion, and other obnoxious features. 

Sec. 5 repeals all laws inconsistent with this enactment. 

The bill was read twice, by unanimous consent, and referred to the 
judiciary committee. 

The above bill was submitted to Mr. Crittenden and other distinguished 
Senators, all of whom concur in its provisions. 

Benjamin Franklin on the Crisis of 1787. 

The following curious letter from Benjamin Franklin forms part of the 
correspoudence which passed between Franklin, Dr. Hartley, Charles 
James Fox and the Earl of Shelburne, known as the Hartley correspond- 
ence: 

" Passy, September, 6th, 1783. 

" My dear Friend : Enclosed is my letter to Mr. Fox. I beg you would 
assure him that my expressions of esteem for him are not mere professions ; 
I really think him a great man, and I could not think so if I did not be- 
lieve he was at bottom and would- prove himself a good one. Guard him 
against mistaken notions of the American people. Yon have deceived 
yourselves too long with vain expectations of reaping advantage from our 
little discontents. We are more thoroughly an enlightened people with 
respect to our political interests, than, perhaps, any other under heaven. 
Every man among us reads, and is so easy in his circumstance as to have 
leisure for conversations of improvement and for acquiring information. 
Our domestic misunderstandings, when we have them, are of small extent, 
though monstrously magnified by your microscopic newspapers. He who 
judges from them that we are at the point of falling into anarchy, or re- 
turning to the obedience of Britain, is like one who, being shown some 
spots on the sun, should fancy that the whole disc would soon be over- 
spread by them, and that there would be an end of daylight. The great 
body of intelligence among our people surrounds and overpowers our 
petty dissensions, as the sun's great mass of fire diminishes and destroys 
his spots. Do not, therefore, any longer delay the evacuation of New 
York in the vain hope of a new revolution in your favor, if such a hope 
has indeed had any effect in causing that delay. It is now nine months 
since that evacuation was promised. You expect, with reason, that the 
people of New York should do your merchants justice in the payment of 
their old debts. Consider the injustice you do them in keeping them so 
long out of their habitations, and out of their business, by which they 
might have been enabled to make payment. There is no truth more clear 
to me than this, that the great interest of our two countries is a thorough 
reconciliation. Restraints on the freedom of commerce and intercourse 
between us can Word no advantage equivalent to the n)iscliief they will 
do by keeping up ill-humor, and promoting a total alicmition. Let you 
and I, my dear friend, do our I'cst towards securing and advancing tliat 
reconciliation. We can do nothing^that in a dying hour will afibrd us 
more solid satisfaction. 

'• I wish you a prosperous journey and a happ^ sight of your frieuds. 
Believe me ever, with sincere and great esteem, yours affectionately, 
" To D. Hartley, Esq. B. Fkanklin." 



56 PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION. 



President Ja-ckson's Nullification Proclamation. 

We present that portion of this important state paper, which discusses 
the subject of secession as understood by President Jackson at the time of 
the nullification troubles in South Carolina in 1832 :— 

This right to secede is deduced from the nature of the Constitution, 
which they say is a compact between sovereign States, who have pre- 
served their wliole sovereignty, and therefore are subject to no superior; 
that because they made the compact, they can break it when in their 
opinion it has been departed from by the other States. Tallacious as this 
course of reasoning is, it enlists State pride, and finds advocates in the 
honest prejudices of those who have not studied the nature of our govern- 
ment sufliiciently to see the radical error on which it rests. 

The people of the United States formed the Constitution, acting 
through tlie State legislatures, in making the compact, to meet and discuss 
its provisions, and acting in separate conventions wlien they ratified those 
provisions ; but the terms used in its construction, show it to be a govern- 
ment in which the people of all the States collectively are represented. 
We are oxe pkople in the choice of tlie President and Vice-President. 
Here the States have no other agency than to direct the mode in which 
the votes shall be given. The candidates having the majority of aUthe 
votes are chosen. The electors of a majority of States may have given 
their votes for one candidate, and yet another may be chosen. The 
people, then, and not the States, are represented in the Executive branch. 

In the House ofPiCpresentatives there is this ditference, that the people 
of one State do not, as in tlie case of President and Vice-President, all 
vote for all the members, each State electing only its own representatives. 
But this creates no material distinction. When chosen, they are all repre- 
sentatives of the United States, not representatives of the particular Slate 
fropi Avhich they come. They are paid by the United States, not by the 
State ; nor are they accountable to it for any act done in performance of 
their legislative functions ; and however they may in practice, as it is 
their duty to do. consult and prefer tlie interests of their particular con- 
stituents when they come in conflict with any other partial or local inter- 
est, yet it is their first and highest duty, as representatives of the United 
States, to promote the general good. 

The Constitution of 'the United States then forms a government, not a 
league ; and whether it be formed by compact between tlie States, or in 
any other manner, its character is the same. It is a government in which 
all the people are represented, which operates directly on the people indi- 
vidually, not upon the States ; they retained all the power they did not 
grant. " But each State having expressly parted with so many powers as to 
constitute jointly with the other States a single nation, cannot from that 
period possess any right to secede, because such secession does not break 
a league, but destroys the unity of a nation, and any injury to that unity 
is not only a breach which would result from the contravention of a com- 
pact, but it is an offence against tlie whole Union. To say that any State 
may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to say tliat the United States are 
not a nation ; because it would be a solecism to contend that any part of 
a nation might dissolve its connection with the other parts, to their injury 
or ruin, without committing any offence. -Secession, like any other revo- 
lutionary act, may be morally'justified by the extremity of oppression ; 
but to call it a constitutional right, is confounding the meaning of terms, 
and can only be done through gross error, or to deceive those wlio are 
willing to assert a right, but would pause before they made a revolution, 
or incur the penalties consequent upon a failure. 



PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION. 57 

Because the Union was formed by compact, it is said that the parties 
to that compact may, when thoy feel tlicmselves airgrieved, depart from 
it; but it is precisely because it is a compact, that they cannot. A com- 
pact is an agreement, or binding obligation. It may by its terms have a 
sanction or jjcnalty for its breach, or it may not. • If it contains no sanc- 
tion, it may be broken with no other consequence than moral guilt ; if it 
have a sanction, then tiie breach incurs the designated or implied penalty. 
A league between independent nations, general!}', has no sanction other 
than a moral one ; or if it sliould contain a penalty, as there is no common 
superior, it cannot be enforced. A government, on the contrary, always 
has a sanction, express or implied; and, in our case, it is both necessarily 
implied and expressly given. An attempt by force of arms to destroy a 
government is an offence, by whatever means the constitutional compact 
may have been formed; and such government has the right, by the law of 
self-defence, to pass acts for punishing the offender, unless that right is 
modified, restrained, or resumed by the constitutional act. la our system, 
although it is modified in the case of treason, yet authority is expressly 
given to pass all laws necessary to carry its powers into effect, and under 
this grant provision has been made for punishing acts which obstruct the 
due administration of the laws. 

It would seem superfluous to add any thing to show the nature of that 
^ union which connects us; but as erroneous opinions on this subject are the 
foundation of doctrines the most destructive to our peace, I must give some 
further development to my views on this subject. No one, fellow-citi- 
zens, has a higher reverence for the reserved rights of the States, than the 
magistrate who now addresses you. No one would make greater personal 
sacrifices, or official exertions, to defend them from violation ; but equal 
care must be taken to prevent on their part an improper interference with, 
or resumption of, the rights they have vested in the nation. The line has 
not been so distinctly drawn as to avoid doubts in some cases of the exer- 
cise of power. Men of the best intentions and soundest views may differ 
in their construction of some parts of the Constitution; but there are 
others on which dispassionate reflection can leave no doubt. Of this na- 
ture appears to be the assumed right of secession. It rests, as we have 
seen, on the alleged undivided sovereignty of the States,_and of their hav- 
ing formed in this sovereign capacity a compact, which is called the Con- 
stitution, from which, because they made it, they have the right to secede. 
Both of these positions are erroneous, and some of the arguments to 
prove them so have been anticipated. 

The States severally have not retained their entire sovereignty. It has 
been shown that in becoming parts of a nation, not members of a league, 
they surrendered many of their essential parts of sovereignty. The 
right to make treaties, "declare war, levy taxes, exercise exclusive judicial 
and legislative powers, were all functions of sovereign power. The 
States, "then, for all these important purposes, were no longer sovereign. 
The allegiance of their citizens was transferred in the first instance to 
the government of the United States; tliey became American citizens, 
and owed obedience to the Constitution of the United States, and to laws 
made in conformity with the powers vested in Congress. This last po- 
sition has not been and cannot be denied. How, then, can that State be 
said to be sovereign and independent whose citizens owe obedience to 
lavrs not made by it, and wliose magistrates are sworn to disregard those 
laws, when they come in conflict with those passed by another? What 
shows conclusively that the States cannot be said to have reserved an 
undivided sovereigntj', is, that they expressly ceded tlie right to punish 
treason, not treason against their separate power, but treason against the 
United States. Treason is an offence against sovereujnty , and sovereignty 
mast reside with the power to punish it. But the reserved rights of 



58 PBESiDENT Jackson's nullification peoclamation. 

the States are not less saered because they have, for their common in- 
terest, made the general government the depository of these powers. 
The unity of our political character (as has been shown for another 
purpose) commenced with its very existence. Under the royal govern- 
ment we had no separate character, our opposition to its oppression be- 
gan as iraiTED COLONIES. We v/ere the United States under the confed- 
eration, and the name was perpetuated and the Union rendered more 
perfect by the Federal Constitution. In none of these stages did we 
consider ourselves in any other light than as forming one nation. Trea- 
ties and alliances were made in the name of all. Troops were raised for 
the joint defence. How then, with all these proofs, that under all changes 
of our position we Jjad, for designated purposes and with defined powers, 
created national governments— how is it, that the most perfect of these 
several modes of union should now be considered as a mere league, that 
inay be dissolved at pleasure ? It is from an abuse of terms. Compact 
is used as synonymous with league, although the true term is not em- 
ployed, because it would at once show the fallacy of the reasoning. It 
would not do to say that our Constitution was only a league, but, it is 
labored to prove it a compact, (which, in one sense it is,) and then to 
argue that as a league is a compact, every compact between nations must 
of course be a league, and that from such an engagement everj sovereign 
power has a right to secede. But it has been shown, that in this sense 
the States are not sovereign, and that even if they were, and the national 
Constitution had been formed by compact, there would be no right in any 
one State to exonerate itself from the obligation. 

So obvious are the reasons which forbid this secession, that it is 
necessary only to allude to them. The Union was formed for the beneiit 
of all. It was produced by mutual sacrifice of interest and opinions. 
Can those sacrifices be recalled ? Can the States, who nnignanimously 
surrendered their title to the territories of the West, recalf the grant? 
Will the inhabitants of the inland States agree to pay tlie duties that may 
be imposed witliout their assent by those on the Atlantic or the Gulf, for 
their own benefit? Shall there be a free port in one State, and enormous 
duties in another ? No one believes that any right exists in a single State 
to involve all the others in tliese and countless other evils, contrary to 
engagements solemnly made. Every one must see that the other States, 
in self-defence, must oppose it at all hazards. 

These are the alternatives that are presented by the convention: A 
repeal of all the acts for raising revenue, leaving the government without 
the means of support ; or an acquiescence in the dissolution of our Union by 
the secession of one of its members. When the first was pi-oposed, it was 
known that it could not be listened to for a moment. It was known if 
force was applied to oppose the execution of tlie laws, that it must be re- 
pelled by force — that Congress could not, without involving itself in dis- 
grace and the country in ruin, accede to the proposition ; and yet if this 
is not done in a given day, or if any attempt is made to execute the laws, 
the State is, by the ordinance, declared to be out of the Union. The 
majority of a convention assembled for the purpose, have dictated these 
terms, or rather this rejection of all terms, in the name of the people of 
South Carolina. It is true that the governor of the State speaks of the 
submission of t]|ieir grievances to a convention of all the States ; which he 
says they "sincerely and anxiously seek and desire." Yet this obvious 
and constitutional mode of obtaining the sense of the other States on the 
construction of the federal compact, and amending it, if necessary, has 
never been attempted by those who have urged the State on to this 
destructive measure. Tlje State might have proposed the call for a gene- 
ral convention to the other States; and Congress, if a sufficient number 
of them concurred, must have called it. But the first magistrate of South 



PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION. 69 

Carolina, when he expressed a hope that, " on a review by Congress and 
the functionaries of the general government of tlic merits of the con- 
troversy," such a convention will be accorded to them, must have known 
that neither Congress nor any functionary in the general government has 
authority to call such a convention, unless it be demanded b};/wo-third3 
of the States. This suggestion, then, is another instance of tb.e reckless 
inattention to the provisions of the Constitution with which this crisis 
has been madly hurried on ; or of the attempt to ])ersuacle the people that 
a constitutional remedy has been sought and refused. If the legislature 
of South Carolina " anxiously desire "■ a general convention to consider 
their complaints, why have they not made application for it in the way 
the Constitution points out ? The assertion that they " earnestly seek " 
it is completely negatived by the omission. 

This, then, is the position in which we stand. A small majority of the 
citizens of one State in the Union have elected delegates to a State con- 
vention : that convention has ordained that all the revenue laws of tbe 
United States must be repealed, or that they are no longer a Jnember of 
the Union. The governor of that State has recommended to the legisla- 
ture the raising of an army to carry the secession into effect, and tliat he 
may be empowered to give clearances to vessels in the name of the State. 
Ko act of violent opposition to the laws has yet been committed, but such 
a state of things is hourly apprehended, and it is the intent of this instru- 
ment to PROCLAIM, not only that the duty imposed on me by the Constitu- 
tion " to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," shall be per- 
formed to the extent of the powers already vested in me by law, or of 
such others as the wisdom of Congress sliall devise and intrust to me for 
that purpose ; but to warn the citizens of South Carolina, who have been 
deluded into an opposition to the laws, of the danger they will incur by 
obedience to the illegal and disorganizing ordinance of the convention — 
to exhort those who have refused to support it, to persevere in their de- 
termination to uphold the Constitution and laws of their country, and to 
point out to all the perilous situation into v.^hich the good people of that 
State have been led, and that the course they are urged to pursue is one 
of ruin and disgrace to the very State whose rights they affect to support. 

Fellow-citizens of my native State ! — let me not only admonish you, 
as the first magistrate of our common country, not to incur the penalty 
of its laws, but use the influence that a father would over his children 
whom he saw rushing to a certain ruin. In that paternal language, with 
that paternal feeling, let me tell you, my countrymen, that you are deluded 
by men who are eitlier deceived themselves or wish to deceive you. Mark 
under what pretences you have been led on to the brink of insurrection 
and treason on which you stand. First a diminution of the value of your 
staple commodity, lowered by over production in other quarters, and the 
consequent diminution in the value of your lands, were tlie sole effect of 
the tariff laws. The effect of those laws was confessedly injurious, but 
the evil was greatly exaggerated by the unfounded theory you were 
taught to believe, that its burthens were in proportion to your exports, 
not to your consumption of imported articles. Your pride v»^as roused by 
the assertions that a submission to these laws was a state of vassalage, 
and that resistance to them was equal, in patriotic merit, to the opposi- 
tion our fathers offered to the oppressive laws of C4reat Britain. You 
were told that this opposition might be peaceable — might be constitution- 
ally made— that you might enjoy all the advantages of the Union and 
bear none of its burthens. Eloquent appeals to your passions, to your 
State pride, to your native courage, to your sense of real injury, were 
used to prepare you for the period when the mask which concealed the 
hideous features of disunion should be taken off. It fell, and you were 
made to look with complacency on objects which not long since you 



60 PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION 

would have regarded with horror. Look back to the arts which have 
brought you to this state — look forward to the consequences to which it 
must inevitable' lead ! Look back to what was first told you as an in- 
ducement to euter into this dangerous course. The great political truth 
was repeated to you, that you had the revolutionary right of resisting all 
laws that were palpably unconstitutional and intolerably oppressive — it 
was added that the right to iiullify a law rested on the same principle, 
but that it was a peaceable remedy ! This character which was given to 
it, made you receive with too much confidence the assertions that were 
made of the unconstitutionality of the law, and its oppressive effects. 
Mark, my fellow-citizens, that by the admission of your leaders the un- 
constitutionality must be palpable, or it will justify neither resistance nor 
nullification ! What is the meaning of the word ^xtZ^a&Ze in the sense in 
which it is here used ? — that which is apparent to every one, that which 
no man of ordinary intellect will fail to perceive. Is the unconstitution- 
ality of tliese laws of that description ? Let those among your leaders 
wlio once approved and advocated the principles of protective duties, 
answer the question ; and let them choose whether they will be considered 
as incapable, then, of perceiving that which must have been apparent to 
every man of common understanding, or as imposing upon our confidence 
and endeavoring to mislead you now. Li either case, they are unsafe 
guides in the perilous path they urge you to tread. Ponder well on this 
circumstance, and you will know how to appreciate the exaggerated lan- 
guage they address to you. They are not champions of liberty emulating 
the fame of our Revolutionary fathers, nor arc you an oppressed people, 
contending, as they repeat to you, against worse than colonial vassalage. 
You are free members of a flourishing and happy Union. There is no 
settled design to oppress you. You have, indeed, felt the unequal opera- 
tion of laws which may have been unwisely, not unconstitutionally passed; 
but that inequality must necessarily be removed. At the very moment 
when you were madly urged on to the unfortunate course you have begun, 
a change in public opinion lias commenced. The nearly approaching pay- 
ment of the public debt, and the consequent necessity of a diminution of 
duties, had already caused a considerable reduction, and that, too, on some 
articles of general consumption in your State. The importance of this 
change was underrated, and you were authoritatively told that no further 
alleviation of your burthens was to be expected, at the very time when 
the condition of tlie country imperiously demanded such a modification of 
the duties as should reduce them to a just and equitable scale. But, as 
apprehensive of the efi:ect of this change in allaying your discontents, you 
were precipitated into a fearful state in which you now find yourselves. 

I have urged you to look back to the means that were used to hurry 
you on to the position you have now assumed, and forward to the conse- 
quences it will produce. Something more is necessary. Contemplate 
the condition of that country of which you still form an important part ; 
consider its government uniting in one bond of common interest and 
general protection so many diflerent States^giving to all their inhabit- 
ants the proud title of Amekican citizen — protecting their commerce — 
securing their literature and arts — facilitating their intercommunication — 
defending their frontiers — and making their name respected in the re- 
motest parts of the earth! Consider the extent of its territory, its in- 
creasing and happy population, its advance in arts, which render life 
agreeable, and the sciences which elevate the mind ! See education 
spreading the lights of religion, morality, and general information into 
every cottage in this wide extent of our territories and States ! Behold it 
as tlie asylum where the wretched and the oppressed find a refuge and ' 
support! Look on this picture of happiness and honor, and say, we, too, 
ABE CITIZENS OF Ameeioa — Carolina is one of those proud States her 



PRESIDENT JACKSON'S NULLIFICATION PROCLAMATION. 61 

arms have defended — her best hlood has cemented this liappy Union! 
And then add, if yon can, without horror and remorse, this happy Union 
we will dissolve — this picture of peace and prosperity we ■will deface — 
this free intercourse we will interrupt — tliese fertile fields we will deluge 
with blood — the protection of that glorious flag we renounce — the very 
name of Americans we discard. And for what, mistaken men ! for 
what do you throw away these inestimable blessings — for what would 
you exchange your share in the advantnges and honor of the Union ? For 
the dream of a separate independence — a dream interrupted by bloody 
conflicts with your neighbors, and a vile depentlence on a foreign power. 
If your leaders could succeed in establishing a separation, what would be 
your situation? Are yon united at home — are you free from the appre- 
hension of civil discord, with all its fearful consequences? Do our neigh- 
boring republics, every day suffering some new revolution or contending 
with some new insurrection — do they excite your envy ? But the dictates 
of a high duty oblige me solenmly to announce that you cannot succeed. 
The laws of the United States must be executed. I have no discretionary 
power on the subject — my duty is emphatically pronounced in the con- 
stitution. Those who told you that you might peaceably prevent their 
execution, deceived you — they could not have been deceived themselves. 
They know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution 
of the laws, and they know that such opposition must be repelled. Their 
object is disunion ; but be not deceived by names; disunion, by armed 
force, is treason. Are you really ready to incur its guilt ? If yon are, 
on the head of the instigators of the act be the dreadful consequences— 
on their heads be the dishonor, but on yours may fall the punishment — on 
your unhappy State will inevitably fall all the evils of the conflict you force 
upon the government of your country. It cannot accede to the mad 
project of disunion of which you would be the first victims — its first 
magistrate cannot, if he would, avoid the performance of his duty — the 
consequence must be fearful for you, distressing to j^our fellow-citizens 
here, and to the friends of good government throughout the world. 
Its enemies have beheld our prosperity w-ith a vexation they could 
not conceal — it was a standing refutation of their slavish doctrines, 
and they will point to our diicord with the triumph of malignant joy. 
It is yet in your power to disappoint them. There is yet time to 
show that the descendants of the Pinckneys, the vSumters, the Rut- 
ledges, and of the thousand other names which adorn tlie i):iges of 
your revolutionary history, will not abandon that Union to support 
which so many of them fought and bled and died. I adjure you, as 
you honor their memory — as you love the cause of freedom, to Avhich 
they dedicated their lives — as you prize the peace of your country, the 
lives of its best citizens, and your own foir fame, to retrace your steps. 
Snatcli from the archives of your State the disorganizing edict of its 
convention — bid its members to re-assemble and promulgate the de- 
cided expressions of your will to remain in the path which alone can 
conduct you to safety, prosperity and honor — tell tliem that compared to 
disunion, all other evils are light, because that brings with it an ac- 
cumulation of all — declare that you will never tnke the field unless 
the star-s[)angled banner of ,your country shall float over you — that 
you will not be stigmatized when de;id, and dishonored and scorned 
while you live, as the authors of the first attack on the Constitution 
of your country! — its destroyers you cannot be. You may disturb its 
peace — you may interrupt the course of its ))rosperity — you may cloud 
its reputation for stability — but its tranquillity will be restored, its 
prosperity will return, and the stain upon its national character will 
be trjinsferred and remain an eternal blot on the memory of those who 
caused the disorder. 



62 A REMINISCENCE. 

Fellow-citizens of the United States! the threat of unhallowed dis- 
union — the names of those, once respected, by whom it is uttered — the 
arraj' of military force to support it — denote the approach of a crisis in 
our affairs on which the continuance of our unexampled prosperity, our 
political existence, and perhaps that of all free government, may depend. 
The conjuncture demanded a free, a full and explicit enunciation, not only 
of my intentions, but of ray principles of action ; and as the claim was as- 
serted of a right by a State to annul the laws of the Union, and even to 
secede from it at pleasure, a frank exposition of ray opinions in relation to 
the origin and form of our government, and the construction I give to 
the instrument by which it was created, seemed to be proper. Having 
the fullest confidence in the justness of tlie legal and constitutional opinion 
of my duties which has been expressed, I rely with equal confidence on 
your undivided support in my determination to execute the laws — to pre- 
serve the Union by all constitutional means — to arrest, if possible, by 
moderate but firm measures, the necessity of a recourse to force; and, if 
it be the will of Heaven that the recurrence of its primeval curse on man 
for the shedding of a brother's blood should fall upon our land, tliat it be 
not called down by any offensive act on the part of the United States. 

Fellow-citizens ! the momentous case is before you. On your undi- 
vided support of your government depends the decision of the great ques- 
tion it involves, whether your sacred Union will be preserved, and the 
blessing it secures to us as one people shall be perpetuated. No one can 
doubt that tiie unanimity with which that decision will be expressed, will 
be such as to inspire new confidence in republican institutions, and tliat 
the prudence, the wisdom, and the courage which it will bring to their 
defence, will transmit thera unimpaired and invigorated to our children. 

May the Great Ruler of nations grant that the signal blessings with 
which lie has favored ours, may not, by the madness of party, or personal 
ambition, be disregarded and lost, and may His wise providence bring 
those who have produced this crisis, to see the folly, before they feel the 
misery, of civil strife, and inspire a returning veneration for that Union, 
which, if we may dare to penetrate His designs. He has chosen as the 
onJy means of attaining the high destinies to which we may reasonably 
aspire. 
In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be 

hereunto affixed, having signed the same with mj hand. 
Done at the city of Washington, this 10th day of December, in the 

yeai of our Lord, one tliousand eight hundred and tliirty-two, and of 

the Independence of the United States the fifty-seventh. 

Andeew Jackson. 



A Reminiscence. 

The following able editoral article is selected from the New York 
Commercial Advertiser of January 30th : — 

The attempt to indoctrinate the Southern mind with the belief that 
the Government of Great Britain ha^ latent sympathies with the disunion- 
ists of the South, and will be prompt to rdtognize tlie independence of 
either the separate seceding States or a Southern Confederacy, should the 
seceding States be able to form one, brings up a reminiscence of interest. 
A little more than two years ago, a letter was copied into the Commercial 
Advertiser from the Boston Daily Advertiser^ the editor of that highly 
reliable journal endorsing the writer thereof as a gentleman who was in a 
position to know that of which he "wrote. The letter in question referred 
to the sudden recall of Lord Napier, the British Minister at Washington, 



A REillJaSCENCE. 63 

and was dated " London, December 10th, 1858." It showed very clearly 
that the reason for tliat recall was Lord Napier's own sympathy with 
slavery and slaveholders, and particularly the offensive manner in which 
he made himself an advocate of the Lecompton Constitution fraud. In 
establishing the fact that this was the real cause of Lord Napier's recall, 
the writer of the letter made the following statements: — 

" It is necessary, in order to understand the position of things, to go 
back some fourteen years, to the days of Mr. Calhoun. At that time 
the plan of dissolution of the Union, and the formation of a great slave- 
holding power, was presented here by friends of Mr. Calhoun, and some 
words then attributed to Lord Aberdeen — perhaps incautiously uttered 
by him — are supposed to have given rise to the hopes of British sym- 
pathy, in which Southern politicians have so frequently indulged. 

" At various times these projects have heen broached to members of the 
British Government, and especially in 1851, when a strong d^j^utation of 
Southern disunionists teas in London, seeking for aid and comfort from 
Great Britain. At that time Mr. Abbot Lawrence was American Minister, 
and enjoyed to an unusual degree the confidence of the British Ministers. 
The projects of the disunionists, presented to Lord Palmerston, then Secre- 
tary for Foreign Aftairs, were by him brought to the knowledge of Mr. 
Lawrence, and the Southern embassy, disheai'tened by the coolness which 
its disunion scheme encountered — and also by the fate of the Lopez expe- 
dition to Cuba — returned discomfited, to the United States. 

" These schemes were not however abandoned, and various attempts 
have been made here to win favor for them ; while the men interested in 
them have sought to produce the belief in the United States that the sen- 
timent of hostility to the extension of slavery, so dear to the popular heart 
of Great Britain, was not shared by the government. During the last 
winter, Mr. Mason of Virginia, on the floor of the Senate, stated as a fact, 
that the British Government had changed its opinion on this great ques- 
tion. Any thing said in so grave a body as the United States Senate at- 
tracts attention, though probably not much importance would have been 
attaclied to the declarations of Mr. Mason, had it not been for the known 
intimacy between him and Lord Napier. An early occasion was tahen, by 
the British Government to contradict tlie assertions of Mr. Mason ; the 
Duke of Ar gyle declaring that he was instructed by Her Majesty''s Minis- 
ters so to do. 

******** 

" The recall of Lord Napier will, it is believed, show that the British 
Government has no part with those icho are seeking to break up the American- 
Union — that it wishes, as the British people do, to see that Union pros- 
perous and happy, and that its sympathies are with the men of pure 
character and noble views, who are laboring to revive the sound doctrines 
of "Washington, Jeiferson and Franklin, upon the question of slavery, and 
to emancipate their country from the slave-holding minority which lias so 
long exclusively controlled its policy." 

There is not a shadow of reason to suppose that the views of the 
British Government on the subject of the Union of these States have un- 
dergone any change since the time referred to in the above quotation, 
when the Duke of Argyle, in the name of Her Majesty's Ministers, pub- 
licly declared that they had no sympathy with the disunionists, and would 
listen to no proposals from them ; or if there is any change, the occupant 
of the throne in England is likely to entertain more than ever the most 
friendly sentiments towards the United States. Nor would it surprise us, 
(since so wide a currency has been given to the report that England and 
France stand ready to recognize the independence of the seceding States, 
whether the Government at Washington docs or does not.) if some mem- 
ber of the Cabinet as soon as Parliament assembles, or the Queen licrself, 



64 



TRADE AND SHIPPING OF SODTHEEN POETS. 



in the royd speech, should give an emphatic denial of any such uncon- 
ditional purpose. Were it supposable that the seceding States should ul- 
timately and practically assert and demonstrate their independent sover- 
eignty, and that sovereignty ^Yere recognized by the tJnited States, 
probably France and England, out of national courtesy, vs'ould add their 
recognition ; but that either would hold out the hand of fellowship to 
provinces or States still in revolt against the United States, is one ol the 
wildest and silliest dreams ever indulged in. 

Upon the revelations made in this letter wo thus commented at the 
time of its publication : 

" Some of these [allegations of treason] are too general to be tangible, 
but one at least is specilic enough to be received without dispute if the 
writer of the letter is truthful, and is capable of being disproved if it is 
untrue. It is distinctly said that in 1851 a strong deputation of Southern 
disunionists were in London, presented their projects to Lord Palmerston, 
who, being on very friendly terms with the American Minister, Mr. 
Abbott Lawrence, laid the matter before him, and the disunion embassy, 
discouraged, returned home. If Mr. Lawrence received such information 
from Lord^Palmerston, he doubtless communicated it to the State Depart- 
ment at Washington, with the names of the Southern deputation, &c. It 
might be well that the country should know who these men were. Will 
no member of Congress call for the documents? " 

If some member of Congress had then acted upon our suggestion, the 
treason that lias now borne such fatal fruit might probably have been 
nipped in the bud. We should imagine, however, that it cannot raise the 
secessionists in the estimation of any American citizen to learn that, as far 
back as two j-ears ago, they were treasonably and secretly endeavoring to 
obtain aid and comfort from the co-operation of a foreign power, whoso 
rule on this continent it cost our fathers so much suffering and blood and 
treasure to overthrow. 

Trade and Shipping of the Ports in Southern States for 
the Year Ending June 30, 1859. 



Charleston, S. C. .. 
Georgetown, S. C. 

Savannah, Ga 

BzTinswick, Ga 

St. Mary's, Ga 

Pensacola, Fla 

St. Marks, Fla 

St. Johns, Fla 

Apalacliicola, Flu. 

Key West, Fla 

Fernandina, Fla. .. 

Mobile, Ala 

Pearl River, Miss.. 
New Orleans, La. . 
Teche, La 



Eepistered 


Enrolled 


Tonnage. 


Tonnage. 


3G,496 


25,087 


487 


496 


25,086 


12,757 


1,478 


— 


966 


320 


2,545 


2,704 


306 


612 


914 


2,450 


1,479 


1,213 


6,885 


1,756 


335 


— 


22,935 


22,886 





3,194 


128,435 


86,982 


359 


4,204 



Total 
Tonnage. 



61,583 

984 

37,843 

1,478 

1,356 

5,249 

918 

3,364 

2,693 

7,641 

335 

52,821 

3,934 

215,417 

4,563 



During the fiscal year ending the 30th June, 1858, the American and 
foreign tonnage aiid number of vessels which entered the above ports, 
including those of Texas, were as follows:-.— 



TRADE AND SHIPPING OF SOUTHEKX PORTS. 



65 



Cotton States. 


Vessels. 


Tonnage. 


Crews. 


Alabama 


227 
200 
1,129 
290 
288 
89 
395 

2,567 


149,415 
99,156 

758,371 
58,038 
42,735 
17,728 

153,834 


8,726 
3 111 


Georgia 


Louisiana 


20,679 
2,346 
9,418 
1,392 
5 400 


Florida 


North Carolina 


Texas 


South Carolina 






Total 


1,254,882 


40,086 





Of the above, the folio-wing statement gives the proportion of American 
vessels, tonnage, and crews, in the States named below: — 



Cotton States. 


Vessels. 


Tonnage. 


Crews. 


Alabama 


179 
175 

798 
244 
220 
32 
225 

1,873 


114,937 
71,831 

583,340 
50,887 
39,141 
14.252 

106,693 

1,070,220 


2,750 

2,029 

15,485 

1 879 


Georgia 


Louisiana 


Florida 


North Carolina 


1 542 


Texas 


^81 


South Carolina 


3,538 




Total 


31,064 





The value of exports and imports at the ports in the above States was 
as follows for the vears named : — 



E.xports. 

1858 $141,267,372 

1859 171,618,814 



Total $312,886,186 



Imports. 

1858 $23,165,457 

1S59 29,124,638 



Total $52,230,096 



The ports most prominent for their value of exports were New Orleans, 
Mobile, Savannah, and Charleston. For the year ending June 30, 1859, 
they stood as follows : — 

Exports Dom. Prod. 

New Orleans $100,890,689 

Mobile 28,933.652 

Savannah 15,372,696 

Charleston 17,902,194 



imports. 

18,349,516 

788,164 

624,599 

1,438,535 



Total $163,099,031 21,200,814 

21,200,814 

Excess of exports over imports $141,898,217 

The total value of exports from the United States for the year 

ending June 30, 1859, of all kinds of foreign and domestic 

produce, with bullion and specie, amounted to $338,768,130 

Value of domestic produce from the four ports above 163,099,031 



Balance $175,669,109 

It is proper to remark that the enrolled tonnage of the United States 
embraces coasting liners, river and other craft, and hence can clear from 
the above ports under the mere formal State or United States clearances. 
A large portion of the registered tonnage of those ports embraces foreign 
vessels, which can also leave without diflSculty, as the flag protects the 
property, which cannot be molested except in case of actual war and t!io 

6 



66 DOES NOT VICTORIA OWN SOUTH CAKOLINA? 

embargo or closing of the ports, of which due notice must bo served on 
neutral governments. 

The only trouble which can be apprehended, will be with American 
vessels departing to foreign ports, and which it is claimed by some per- 
sons cannot leave without a United States clearance. 

The Sentiment in Baltimore. 

At a largely attended Union meeting in Baltimore, on January 10, the 
following resolutions were passed : — 

Resolved^ That the present condition of our country demands of all who 
love her, a spirit of fairness, candor, conciliation, concession, and self- 
sacrifice, and that we hail with thankful and hopeful hearts the patriotic 
efforts now being made in Congress for a settlement, as v.-e trust, forever, 
of the dangerous questions at issue, on some constitutional, just and equit- 
able principle, and that such of our statesmen and States, whether of the 
North or of the South, as may contribute most to this holy end, will chal- 
lenge the highest place in the aifections of the counti-y ; and those who 
may refuse to lend their aid to this holy purposemay justly expect, as they 
will be sure to receive, the condemnation and reprobation of the present 
as well as future ages. 

Eesohed^ That various Northern States have passed laws, usually call- 
ed "personal liberty laws," which we believe to be in violation of the 
Constitution of the United States, of acts of Congress passed pursuant 
thereto, and of the sacred obligations which those States owe to the com- 
mon country; and that we ap]jeal to the constitutional duty, patriotism, 
honor, justice, and the brotherhood of the people of those States respect- 
ively, to repeal those laws, and by every way and means in their power, 
to put down the aggressions of their people on the peculiar institutions 
of tlie Southern States, as the only way to remove the well-founded dis- 
content and complaints of their brethren of the Southern States, and which, 
if not removed, may prove fatal to our Union, as well as to all those vital 
interests which ought to bind us together as one people. 

Does not Victoria own South Carolina ? 

The Toronto Daily Globe raises a new issue in the discussion of the 
locus standi of the seceding State of South Carolina : 

Suppose tliat this (a dissolution of the Union) is consummated, some 
curious questions will arise with regard to the national standing of the 
receding States, Great Britain has recognized the national independence 
of the United States. But does that necessarily involve the recognition 
of tiie nationality of South Carolina, for example, when she ceases to 
form a part of the Union? Her colonial relations to Great Britain only 
ceased in virtue of her being merged in the United States, whose inde- 
pendent nationality was recognized by the mother country. When she 
ceases, then, to form part of that nationality, does she not, by the law of 
nations, revert to her former position of colonial dependence on Great 
Britain ? 

In the year 1729 the British government, for the sum of £17,500, 
purchased the Carolinas fi-om a company of merchants. "When no longer 
under the cegis of the American flag, will they not again in the nature of 
things become the property of Great Britain? England may find it Avorth 
her while to produce her old title-deeds to the cotton producing territories 
in the South. Her manufactures form so important an element to the 
well-being of her people, that it is not convenient for her to be dependent 
on foreigners for her cotton supplies. Moreover, in the interests of 
humanity, it would be well that the Southern as well as the Northern 



THE NEW ORI-EANS MAEINE HOSPITAL. 67 

portion of this continent should bo British. Slavery would not lon^;; exist 
under British rule, and with a free republic in the centre of the continent, 
bounded North and South by free Britisli colonies, the future of North 
America miglit be looked to by the friends of human progress with th« 
most cheering anticipations. 

The New Orleans Marine Hospital. 

The following is the correspondence between the Collector of the Port 
of New Orleans and Secretary of the Treasury Dix : — ■ 

Collector Hatch writes, Jan. 14 : — " I have the honor to inform yoa 
that the United States barracks below the city have been taken possession 
of in tlie name of the State of Louisiana, as will appear by the enclosed 
communication from C. M. Bradford, a captain in the Louisiana infantry, 
I shall take steps to remove the invalids, if necessary, at an early date, 
and with due reference to economy." 

Secretary Dix replied by telegraph on the 27th : — " Ajjply to the 
Governor of Louisiana to revoke Capt. Bradford's order, and remonstrate 
with the Governor against the inhumanity of turning the sick out of the 
hospitah If he refuses to interfere, have them removed under the care 
of the resident surgeon, and do all in your power to provide for their 
comfort." 

The following is Secretary Dix's letter to the Collector of New Orleans, 
dated 28th :— 

Sir: — I did not receive until the 26th inst., yours of the 14th, inform- 
ing me that tlie United States barracks below the city of New Orleans, 
which have for several months been occupied as a marine hospital, have 
been taken possession of in the name of the State of Louisiana. I found 
enclosed a copy of the letter by Capt. Bradfoi-d, of the 1st Louisiana in- 
fantry, advising you that he had taken possession of the barracks; that 
they would "be required for the Louisiana troops now being enlisted," 
and requesting you to immediately remove those patients who are con- 
valescent, and, as soon as in the opinion of the resident surgeon it may be 
practicable and humane, those also who are now confined to their beds. 

He also states that the barracks contained 216 invalid and convalescent 
patients. On this transaction as an outrage to the public authority, I 
have no comment to make, but I cannot believe that a proceeding so dis- 
cordant with the character of the people of the United States, and so re- 
volting to the civilization of the age, has had the sanction of the Governor 
of Louisiana. I sent a telegraph despatch to you yesterday, desiring yon to 
remonstrate with him against the inhumanity of Captain Bradford's order, 
and to ask him to revoke it. But if he should decline to interfere, I in- 
Btruct you in regard to tlie removal and treatment of the sick, .and in that 
I trust you will carry out my direction ; not merely with " economy," 
but with a careful regard to their helpless condition. The barracks, it 
seems, were taken possession of on the 11th inst. Captain Bradford's 
letter is dated the 13th, and yours tlie 14th, though I had no information 
on the subject until the 26th. I infer from the newspaper paragraph yon 
enclosed, which telegraph advices in regard to the subject-matter show to 
be of a later date than your letter, that the letter was not despatched 
until the 21st or 23d inst. I hope I am mistaken, and that tlie cause of 
the delay is to be found in some uTiexplained interruption of the mail. 

I should otherwise have -great reason to be dissatisfied that the infor- 
mation was not more promptly comnumicatod. From the tone of the 
newspaper paragraph you enclosed, and from the seizure of the barracks 
in violation of the usage of humanity, which in open war between con- 



68 A NATIONAL LITANY. 

tending nations, and even in the most revengeful civil conflicts between 
kindred races, have always been held sacred from disturbance, as edifices 
dedicated to the care and comfort of the sick, I fear that no public prop- 
erty is likely to be respected. You will therefore have no more money 
expended on the revenue cutter Washington, now hauled up for repairs, 
until I can have assurance that she will not be seized as soon as she is 
refitted, and taken into the service of those who are seeking to break up 
the Union and overthrow the authority of the Federal Goveniment." 

Secretary Dix, in reply to his telegraphic despatch, received the fol- 
lowing reply from Collector Hatch : 

" New Orleans, Monday, January 2S, 1S61. ) 
"Maeine Hospital. J 

"AflEair satisfactorily arranged. Barracks retained. See my letter 
of 21st." 

Secretary Holt and Governor Ellis. 

Gov. Ellis, of North Carolina, in a letter to the President, informing 
him of the surrender of the United States forts in that State, says : — 

Your Excellency will pardon me for asking whether the United States 
forts will be garrisoned with United States troops during your adminis- 
tration ? 

To this letter Secretary Holt responded as follows : — 

In reply to your inquiry, whether it is the purpose of the President to 
garrison the forts of North Carolina during his administration, I am di- 
rected to say that they, in common with the other forts, arsenals, and 
public property of the United States, are in the charge of the President, 
and that if assailed, no matter from what quarter or under what pretext, 
it is his duty to protect them by all the means which the law has placed 
at his disposal. It is not his purpose to garrison the forts to which you 
refer at present, because he considers them entirely safe, as heretofore, 
under the shelter of the law-abiding sentiment for which the people of 
North Carolina have ever been distinguished. Should they, liowever, 
be attacked or menaced, with danger of being seized and taken from the 
possession of the United States, he could not escape from his constitu- 
tional obligation to defend and preserve them. The very satisfactory and 
patriotic assurances given by your excellency, justify him, however,^ in 
entertaining the confident expectation that no such contingency will arise. 

A National Litany. 

From men of perverse minds and corrupt principles : Good Lord de- 
liver us. 

From fanatical and malignant agitators : Good Lord deliver lis. 

From the rash and reckless, whose purposes are incendiary : Good 
Lord deliver lis. 

From men who trade in politics from motives of self-aggrandizement: 
Good Lord deliver its. 

From all wily, subtle, and mischievous counsels: Good Lord de- 
liver us. 

From all mal-administration of government : Good Lord deliver us. 

From proud, boastful and ungodly leaders : Good Lord deliver ws. 

From the disruption and destruction of our Republic : Good Lord de- 
liver us. 

From all who thoughtlessly excite discord and feud : Good Lord de- 
liver us. 

From insurrection, rebellion and treason : Good deliver us. 



A FORT RETAKEN. 



69 



From fratricidal war and bloodshed : Good Lord deliver m 
From the ^loom which overspreads our once fair and happv country 
Good Lord deliver its. ' ' " ^""""'J • 

From anarchy, and unlawful uprisings of the people : Good Lord de- 

i/v%Ci IIS, 

From alienations of brethren, and bitter hate : Good Lord deliver us 
± rom indiscretion, precipitation and madness : Good Lord deliver us 
.broni a transition from high prosperity to deep adversity : Good Lord 

wCtZtCt 1/St 

ood^LorT ™^*^''^ ^^'^ ^^'" ^"^"^ '" the meekness of wisdom: Rear us, 
^^Defeat the counsels of all unprincipled Ahithophels : Eear us, good 
^^Counteract the devices of those who fear thee not: Hear vs, good 

Lay bare and expose the plans of ambitious and deceitful men • Rear 
us, good Lord. 

^ Contemn the hypocritical, who work mischief under the garb of reli- 
gion : Hear its, good Lord. 

Restore peace to our country, and brotherly concord: Rear us 
good Lord. ' 

^^May the prayers of the righteous prevail with thee : Rear us, good 

quiet the minds of the people, and dispose them to trust to thy guid- 
ance : Rear us, good Lord. j b '^ 

Amidst the perplexities of the wise, and the ravings of the foolish- 
Appear for us, good Lord. 

Deliver us from worldliness, ingratitude, and hardness of heart : Rear 
us, good Lord. 

Cement the bonds of national union, and restore amity : Rear us 
good Lord. "^ ' 

LoJr^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^''^^ ^"^^'^^^ the national upheavings: Rear us, good 
old'urd'''' ^''"'^ "^^"^^ ^^^ ^"^'^^^ ^^'" go forth to all peoples : Rear us, 

May joy come back to our tabernacles and sacred altars : Rear us 
good Lord. ' 

Though undeserving of thy mercy, may thy mercy be nevertheless 
continued : Rear us, good Lord. 

no.'^^^^i^'^''^ ^^ no longer a dominance to passion, prejudice and obsti- 
nacy : Rear us, good Lord. 

^ .Then will we praise thee ^for deliverance, and trust in thee as our 
guide : We xcill j)raise and trust thee, good Lord. 

And then when the storm has been huslied. and peace and plenty shaU 
^oT^rT^^ ^""^'^ ^'''"'''"' ""^ '''''" '^^""^'■^' • ^'^ «'^'^^ «'^«'«« hallelujah to thee, 

A Fort Retaken. 

The "Washington (N. C.) Dispatch says :— 

Fort Neale, a Revolutionary earthwork, near this town, was taken 
possession of on Saturday night last, the 19th, and on Sunday mornin<T 
the communify was intensely excited at the report that the' PalmettS 
Mf'^'''t, •^'"'" "'' ^^"''^ ^''° ramparts, and had been nailed to the flag- 
staff tins outrage was borne in silence during the sacred hours of the 
babbath day and night, but early on Monday morning our citizens were 



70 SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SUPPKESSING NULLIFICATION. 

startled by the report of cannon, fired in quick succession. On inqniiy, it 
•was ascertained tiiat a company of jolly tars had recaptured the fort, shot 
down the Palmetto flac:, trampled it in the dust, and run up the stars and 
stripes in its place. Forthwith the national ensign was floating in the 
breeze from every mast-head in the port, and we had general rejoicing on 
the occasion. 

General Scott's Agency in suppressing Nullification 
in South Carolina in 1832. 

General Scott had scarcely returned from the scenes of Indian wars 
and Indian treaties in the West, when he was called to mingle with others 
on the Southern border, which threatened far more danger to tlie peace 
and safety of the American Union. lie arrived at New York in October, 
1832, and had been with his family but a day or two, when he was 
ordered to Wasliington to receive a new mission and a new trust. After 
a conference with the President and cabinet, on the dilficulties which had 
arisen in South Carolina, he was dispatched in that direction on a busi- 
ness of the greatest delicacy and importance, and with powers requiring 
the exercise of the highest discretion. 

This difficulty was the attempt to nullify the revenue laws of the 
United States, by the action of a single State, South Carolina. Tiiis 
theory, and the events which followed its assertion in that State, are com- 
monly called " nuUiticatioQ." It is necessary to give the reader a candid 
statement of the facts and events in this singular portion of American his- 
tory, in order that the precise situation of the country, when General 
Scott arrived at Cliarleston, its internal dangers, and the part he had in 
quieting those difficulties, may be fairly understood. In this, there is no 
need of inquiring into motives, and little chance of error; for the parts of 
the several actors were performed in public, recorded bj; the public press, 
and sent upon the winds by the voices of a thousand witnesses. It was 
not so, however, with the part of General Scott; for his duties were con- 
fidential. They were required to be performed with silence and delicacy. 
Hence, however much might depend upon his discretion, the mere fact of 
its exercise aiforded little that was tangible and expressive to the pen of 
history. Yet we shall see, that his position and conduct there exercised 
a controlling influence over the event, and contributed mainly to the 
peaceful termination of the controversy. 

The excitement which terminated in what was called "nullification," 
commenced in consequence of the passage of the tariff act of 1828. That 
act raised the revenue duties levied on the importation of foreign goods 
higher than any previous revenue act of the United States. It was passed 
avowedly for the protection of American industry. It was resisted by 
nearly all the representatives of the cotton-planting States, on the ground 
that it was injurious to their interests and contrary to the Constitution of 
the United States. They argued, that the greater the duties, the less the 
importations; and that the less the importations, the less would be the 
exportations; because foreign nations would have less ability to purchase. 
They deemed it unconstitutional, because they said it was unequal taxa- 
tion. 

This was the substance of the argument by which a mnjority of the 
citizens of South Carolina arrived at a belief, that the tarff-act was both 
injurious to them, and unconstitutional. On this belief they proceeded 
to resist the act by public meetings and inflammatory resolves, and finally 
to advance and carry out the doctrines of nullification. 

The tarifi"-act of 1828 was passed on the 15th of May of that year, and 
from that time henceforward for more than four years, a continual excite- 
ment; was kept up in the extreme Southern States, especially South Cai'o- 



SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION. 7l 

lina and Georgia. In South Carolina, however, the most ultra measures 
were proposed, and there the question was hroup;ht to a direct issue, and 
bloodshed, even, only averted by the great caution of the public officers, 
and the milder tomi)eraraent of Congress. 

The following address to the people of South Carolina, exhibits the 
temper of the public mind at that time. 

"What course is left us to pursue? If we have the common pride of 
men, or the determination of freemen, we must resist the imposition of 
this tarilf. We stand committed. To be stationary is impossible. We 
must either retrograde in dishonor and in shame, and receive the con- 
tempt and .«corn of our brethren superadded to our wrongs, and their 
system of oppression strengthened by our toleration ; or we must ' by 
opposing, end them.' 

"In advising an attitude of open resistance to the laws of the Union, 
we deem it due to the occasion, and that we may not be misunderstood, 
distinctly but briefly to state, without argument, our constitutional faith. 
For it is not enough that imposts laid for the protection of domestic 
manufactures are opj)ressive, and transfer in their operation millions of 
our property to northern capitalists. If we have given our bond, let 
them take our blood. TJiose who resist these imposts must deem them 
unconstitutional, and the principle is abandoned by the payment of one 
cent as much as ten millions.'" 

Such were the strains by which South Carolina was called to believe 
herself deeply injured, her feelings outraged, and her rights violated. 
"But how," says the orator, "are we to interpose for the purpose of 
arresting the progress of the evil ? " To this he refilies — " A nullification, 
then, of the unauthorized act, is the rightful remedy." 

Mr. John- C. Calhoux, in a letter dated "Fort Hill, 30th of July, 
1832," declared that nullification was a peaceful remedy, and necessary to 
the preservation f)f other powers. 

"The ungrounded fear," said he, "that the right of a State to inter- 
pose in order to protect her reserved powers against the encroachments of 
the General Government, would lead to disunion, is rapidly vanishing, 
and as it disappears, it will be seen that so far from endangering, the right 
is essential to the preservation of our system, as essential as the right of 
BuftVage itself. 

"Thus thinking, I have entire confidence that the time will como 
when our doctrine, which has been so freely denounced as traitorous and 
rebellious, will be hailed as being the great conservative principle of our 
admirable system of government, and when those who have so firmly 
maintained it under so many trials, will be ranked among the great bene- 
factors of the country." 

The doctrine of "State interposition " against the General Government, 
is here defended as an essential right, and the future approbation of the 
people confidently expected. 

To understand the exact state of things in South Carolina, at that 
time, and the conflict likely to ensue between the majority in the State 
supporting nullification by the State power, and the General Government 
executing the laws, with a minority in South Carolina supporting it, we 
must review two or three other important movements. 

The doctrines of Mr. McDuffie, Major Hamilton, Mr. Calhoun, and 
other leaders of the jiuUification party, were as strongly opposed by otlier 
distinguished men in South Carolina. 

JroGE Smith, formerly United States Senator, in an address to the 
people of Spartanburg district, thus writes: — "To say you can resist the 
General Government, and remain in the Union, and be at peace, is a per- 
fect delusion, calculated only to hoodwink an honest commui:ity, until 



12 SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION. 

they sliall have advanced too for to retrace their steps; which they must 
do, and do with disgrace and humiliation, or enter upon a bloody conflict 
with the General Government. For the General Government cannot bow 
it3 sovereignty to the mandates of South Carolina, while the Union is 
worth preserving. And be assured, it will not bow to the mandate of 
any State, while the sovereign people believe that a confederated govern- 
ment is calculated to promote their peace, their honor, and their safety." 

It is seen that the political ideas inculcated in the extract last quoted, 
are directly opposed to those stated in the former extract from the letter 
of Mr. Calhoun. Tlie latter assumes the supremacy of the Union, the 
former that of the State, under the name of State interposition. Hence, 
in tlie controversy which ensued, the party of the majority was known as 
the nullification farty^ and that of the minority as the Union j>a'>'ty. 
The controversy between the two parties in South Carolina was even 
more excited than that between the State and tlje General Government. 
This was the condition of things v>'heu, in October, 1832, the Legislature 
passed an act providing for the "calling of a convention of the people" of 
that State. The object of this convention in tlie terms of the act, was 
"to take into consideration the several acts of the Congress of the United 
States, imposing duties on foreign imports for the protection of domestic 
manufactures, or for other unauthorized objects; to determine on the 
character thereof, and to devise the means of redress." 

The convention elected according to this statute, assembled at Colum- 
bia, the seat of government, on the 19th of JS^ovember, 1832. The con- 
vention being assembled, enacted an "ordinance," whose title was "to 
prt)vide for arresting the operation of certain acts of the Congress of the 
United States, purporting to be taxes laying duties and imposts on the im- 
portation of foreign commodities." 

On tl)e final passage of the ordinance the word '■ nullify" was sub- 
stituted for " arresting." 

This ordinance assumed to nullify the laws of the United States, to 
prevent the operation of tiie courts, and finnlly, to place all officers under 
oath to obey oidy the ordinance, and the laws made to give it efi:ect. 

The 2d section pronounced the tariti acts of 1828 and 1832 " null, void, 
and no law, nor binding upon the State, its officers, or citizens." 

The 3d section declared it nnlawfnl " for any of the constituted 
authorities, whether of the State or the United States, to enforce payment 
of the duties imposed by said acts, within tiie limits of the State." 

The 4th section ordered that no case of law or equity decided in that 
State, wherein was drawn in question the validity of that ordinance, or 
of any net of the Legislature passed to give it etfect, should be appealed to 
the Supreme Court of the United States, or regarded if appealed. 

Section 5th required that every (»ne who held an office of honor, trust, 
or profit, civil or military, should take an oath to obey only this ordinance, 
and the laws of the Legislature passed in consequence of it. 

The Gth section declared that if the General Government should employ 
force to carry into eftect its laws, or endeavor to coerce the State, by 
shutting u[) its ports, tliat South Carolina would ccmsider the Union dis- 
solved, and would " proceed to organize a separate government." 

This was the state of things in South Carolina, and in tlie Union, when, 
on the 10th of December, 1832, General Jackson issued his proclamation, 
exhorting all persons to obey the laws, denouncing thp ordinance of South 
Carolina, and giving a very clear exposition of the j)rinciples and powers 
of the General Government. Tliis proclamation was written with great 
ability, and coming from the most popular man in the United States, ex- 
ercising the functions of chief magistrate, and t;iking part with that i.ovE 
OF UNION wliich, in all times and all circumstances, has been an element 



SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION. V3 

in American character, tlie proclamation was universally read, and almost 
universally received with approbation and applause. The Legislature of 
South Carolina answered in an appeal to the people of that State. 

Just before this point in history, General Scott had boon called, in the 
exercise of his military functions, to perform a part, not very conspicuous 
to the public eye, but most iinjiortant in its consequences to the Union 
and the future welfare of the Eepublic. What part that was will be shown 
by the unimpeachable testimony of authentic facts. 

On the ISth of November, 1832, a confidential order was issued from 
the "War Department to General Scott. The order, after expressing the 
President's solicitude as to affairs in South Carolina, a hope from the 
intelligence of the people, and a fear lest some rash attempt should be 
made against the forts of the United States in the harbor of Charleston, 
proceeds to say : — 

'' The possibility of such a measure furnishes sufficient reason for guard- 
ing against it, and the President is therefore anxious that the situation 
and means of defence of these fortifications should be inspected by an 
officer of experience, who could also estimate and provide for any dangers 
to which they may be exposed. He has full confidence in your judgment 
and discretion, and it is his wish that you repair immediately to Cinirleston, 
and examine every thing connected with the fortifications. You are at 
liberty to take such measures, either by strengtbening these defences, or 
by reinforcing these garrisons with troops drawn from any other posts, 
as you may think prudence and a just precaution require. 

" Your duty will be one of great importance, and of great delicacy. 
You will consult fully and freely with the Collector of the port of Charles- 
ton, and with the District Attorney of South Carolina, and you will take 
no step, except what relates to the immediate defence and security of the 
posts, without their order and concurrence. The execution of the laws 
will be enforced through the civil authority, and by the mode pointed out 
by tlie acts of Congress. Should, unfortunately, a crisis arise, when the 
ordinary power in the hands of the civil officers shall not be sufficient for 
this purpose, the President shall determine the course to be taken, and the 
measures to be adopted. Till, therefore, you are otherwise instructed, 
you will act in obedience to the legal requisitions of the proper civil 
officers of the United States. 

" I will thank you to communicate to me, freely and confidentially, upon 
every topic on which you may deem it iniportant for the Government to 
receive information. 

" Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, 

Lewis Cass." 
"iTajor General Winfield Scott." 

General Scott arrived in Charleston on the 28th of Kovember, just 
two days after the passage of the ordinance. All was excitement. He 
found the people of Charleston divided into two parties, nearly equal 
in point of numbers, and each exas[)erated towards the other. 

It was as important that he should not, by his presence or liis acts, 
increase the excitement of the pubhc mind, already too much inflamed, 
thus precipitating rash measures on the part of South Carolina, as it was 
that, in the last resort, he should maintain the supremacy of the laws held 
to be constitutional by every department of the Federal Government, and 
alike biiiding on all the States. This duty he was resolved to execute at 
every hazard to himself, but with all possible courtesy and kindness com- 
patible with that paramount object. In this his heart's warm feeling was, 
that the disafiected might be soothed, and South Carolina held in alfec- 
tionate harmony with her sister States. 



74 SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SCPPEESSmG NULLIFICATION. 

If history be not silent on the events which then occurred, or on the 
part taken by distinguished citizens of South Carolina, still less should it 
omit a just tesiniony to the forbearance and prudence of the geneial and 
troops of the United States employed on so delicate and dangerous a 
service. 

The officers and men of the army and navy bore themselves Vvith the 
meekness and solemnity proper to so grave and unusual a duty. In no 
instance did thev indulge in any display, except on the 22d of February. 

Then rockets blazing througli the skies, and guns sounding over the 
waters told that, as Americans, they remembered and blessed the anni- 
versary of that day, which gave birth to the father of the country 
AND THE UxioN. cin Other occasions, every individual in that service, 
though lirm in his allegiance, and resolved to do his duty, evinced by his 
deportment how painful that duty might become, Scott gave both the pre- 
cept and the example. Many officers, like himself, had frequent occasion 
to visit the city. Boats' crews were constantly passing and repassing. It 
was agreed among the officers, and enjoined on the men, to give way to 
everybody, and not even to resent an indignity, should one be offered ; 
but to look on C.irolinians as their fellow-countrymen, whom all were 
anxious to reclaim from an unhappy delusion. Tliese rules of forbearance 
were absi)lutely necessary, because any soldier or sailor, in a drunken en- 
counter, might have brought on nil the evils of a bloody affray. 

Just at the period of the utmost anxiety, when all hearts were anxious 
lest tlie morrow should bring forth civil conflict, a fire was seen from Fort 
Moultrie, at twiliglit, rising from Charleston, rapidly spreading and tlireat- 
ening the city with destruction. General Scott happened to be the first 
who^perceived the contlagration, and with great promptness called for vol- 
unteers to hasten to the assistance of the inhabitants. All the officers 
and men were eager for the service, and with tlie exception of a mere 
guard, all were dispatched in boats, and without arms, to subdue the new 
and dreadful enemy. Each detachment was directed to report itself to 
some city officer, and to ask for employment. A detached officer preceded 
to explain the object of this sudden intrusion. Captain Einggold, of the 
army, since pronioled, and subsequently slain on the battle-tield of Palo 
Alto, who conmianded a detachment, rushed up to the iutendant, (Mayor,) 
and begged to be put to work. A citizen standing by at once claimed his 
assistance to save a sugar-refinery, then in imminent danger. " Do you 
hear that ? " said Captain Ringgold to ids men : " ice will go to the death for 
the sugar!'''' This was an allusion to the famous threat of Governor 
Hamilton, in respect to his importation of that article, before the boxes 
had arrived, that " they would go to the death for the sugar." It may be 
added, that the detachment instantly repaired to the spot, and the refinery 
was saved. Nor was the good-humored quotation lost on the hundreds 
who heard it. 

The navy was not behind the army in this act of neighborly kindness. 
Both were early at the scene of distress. And all, after di^^tinguishing 
themselves for zeal and energy, returned as sober and as orderly as they 
went, notwithstanding refreshments had been profusely handed round by 
the citizens. 

It is not extravagant to say, that this timely movement, so well con- 
ceived and so handsomely executed, overcame much of the excitement and 
prejudice existing against the United States, here represented by their 
soldiers and sailors. These men threw themselves, unexpected and un- 
armed, in the midst of a population strongly excited against them, and by 
saving a city from fire, powerfully contributed to save the Union from the 
greater horrors of civil war. The effect was immediate on the spot, and 
was soon spread to other parts of the State. It was one of those acts bet- 



SCOTT'S AGENCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION. Y5 

ter adapted to sootho the asperities of feeling, than would have been nnj 
degree of courage, or success, in tlie forcible maiiitenanco of the law. 

At t!iis distance of time, the part performed by Scott may not seem of 
great importance. But he Avho thinks so should recollect, that history i3 
obliged to trace tlie greatest events oftentimes to very small causes; and 
that such a part as Scott's at Charleston, though having neitlier tlie crim- 
son glare of battle, nor the extraordinary skill of some artful act of diplo- 
macy, may nevertheless have been the hinge of a crisis, and therefore 
more important tlian many battles. It is the handling of a delicate sub- 
ject whicli makes it difficult, far more than the settlement of a question 
of exact right or wrong. 

Of tlie ]iart which Scott box-e in the pacification of the South, we shall 
here give the words of Mr. Watkins Leigh, of Virginia, who stood high in 
the confidence of all parties, whose evidence is nnimpeachable, and who 
had ample opportunities of observing all that was done. lie says: — 

"I was at Charleston when he (Scott) arrived and assumed the com- 
mand, wliicli he did without any parade or fuss. Fo one Avho had not an 
opportunity of observing on the spot the excitement that existed, can have 
an adequate conception of the delicacy of the trust. General Scott had a 
large acquaintance with the people of Charleston ; he was their fnend ; 
but his situation was such that many, the great majority of them, looked 
upon him as a public enemy. What his orders were, I cannot undertake 
to tell you, nor have I any means of knowing but from his conduct, which, 
I take it for granted, conformed with them. He thought, as I thought, 
that the first drop of blood shed in civil war, — in civil war between tlio 
United States and one of the States, would prove an immedicable wound, 
which would end in a change of our institutions. He was resolved, if it 
was possible, to prevent a resort to arms; and nothing could have been 
more judicious than his conduct. Far from being prone to take offence, 
he kept his temper under the strictest guard, and was most careful to 
avoid giving occasion for offence ; yet he held himself ready to act, if it 
should become necessary, and he let that be distinctly understood. Ho 
sought the society of the leading nullifiers, and was in their society as 
much as they would let him be, but he took care never to say a word to 
them on the subject of political differences; he treated them as a friend. 
From the beginning to the end, his conduct was as conciliatory as it was 
firm and sincere, evincing that he knew his duty, and was resolved to 
perform it, and yet that his principal object and purpose was peace. He 
was perfectly successful, when the least imprudence might have resulted 
in a serious collision." 

We subjoin extracts from a letter from Major-Gene:"al Scott to a dis- 
tinguished leader and friend, a member of the South Carolina Legislature, 
then in session at Columbia, in order to show the spirit and temper in 
which he discharged the delicate duties assigned him. 

"Savannah, Dec. Ulh, 1&83. 

"Mt Dear Sir, — You have an excellent memory to remind me, after 
so long an interval, of my promise to visit you when next on a tour to the 
South, and I owe you an apology for not earlier acknowledging your kind 
letter. It was handed to me just as I was about to leave Charleston, and 
I have been since too constantly in motion (to Augusta, and back here) 
to allow me to write. 

"As to the 'speculations' at Columbia relative to 'the object of my 
visit to Charleston at this moment,' I can only say, that I am on that very 
tour, and about the very time, mentioned by me when I last had the 
pleasure of seeing you. On what evil days have we fallen, my good friend, 
when so common-place an event gives rise to conjecture or speculation j 
I can truly assure you, that no one has felt more wretched than your 



76 SCOTX'S AGEKCY IN SUPPRESSING NULLIFICATION. 

humble correspondent, since an nnhappy controversy began to assume a 
serious aspect. I liave always entertained a high admiration for the his- 
tory and character of South Carolina, and accident or good fortune has 
thrown me into intimacy, and even friendship, with almost every leader 
of the two parties which now divide and agitate the State. Would to 
God they were again united, as during the late war, wlien her federalists 
vied with her republicans in the career of patriotism and glory, and when 
her Legislature came powerfully to the aid of the Union. Well, the ma- 
jority among you Iiave taken a stand, and those days of general harmony 
may never return. What an awful position for South Carolina, as well as 
for the other States ! ****** 

" I cannot follow out the long, dai'k shades of the picture tliat presents 
itself to my fears. I will hope, nevertheless, for the best. But I turn my 
eyes back, and, good God! what do I behold? Impatient South Carolina 
could not wait — she has taken a leap, and is already a foreign nation; 
and the great names of Washington, Franklin, Jeflterson, and Greene, no 
longer compatriot with yours, or those of Laurens, Moultrie, Pinckuey, 
and Marion with mine! 

" But the evil, supposing the separation to have been peaceahle^ would 
not stop there. When one member shall withdraw, the whole arch of 
the Union will tumble in. Out of the broken fragments new combina- 
tions will arise. We should probably have, instead of one^ three confede- 
racies — a northern, southern, and western reunion ; and transmontane 
Virginia, your native country, not belonging to the South, but torn oflF by 
the general West. I turn with horror from the picture I have only 
sketclied. I have said it is dark ; let but one drop of blood be spilt upon 
the canvas, and it becomes ' one red.' 

" ' Lands intersected by a narrow frith 

Abhor each other. Mountains interposed 
Make enemies of nations, which had else, 
Like kindred drops, been mingled into one.' 

" But you and ray other South Carolina friends have taken your re- 
spective sides, and I must follow out mine. 

"You have probably heard of the arrival of two or three companies 
at Charleston in the last six weeks, and you may hear that as many more 
have foUowed. There is nothing inconsistent with the President's mes- 
sage in these movements. The intention simply is, that the forts in the 
harbor shall not be wrested from the United States. I believe it is not 
apprehended that the State authorities contemplate any attack, at least in 
the present condition of things, on these posts ; but I know it has been 
feared that somo unauthorized multitude, under sudden excitement, might 
attempt to seize tliem. The President, I presume, will stand on tlie de- 
fensive—thinking it better to discourage than to invite an attack — better 
to prevent than to repel one, in (^rder to gain time for wisdom and mod- 
eration to exert themselves in the capitol at Wasliington, and in the 
state-house at Columbia. From humane considerations like these, the 
posts in question have been, and probably will be slightly reinforced. I 
state what I partly know, and what I partly conjecture, in order that the 
case which I see is provided for in one of your bills, may not be sup- 
posed to have actually occurred. If I were possessed of an important 
secret of the Government, my honor certainly would not allow me to dis- 
close it; but there is in the foregoing neither secrecy nor deception. My 
ruling wish is, that neither party take a rash step, that might put all heal- 
ing powers at defiance. It is, doubtless, merely intended to hold the posts 
for the present. A few companies are incapable of ejecting any farther 
object. The engineer, also, is going on, steadily, but slowly, in erecting 



THE LAW 01? TEEASON. 77 

the new work on the site of Fort Johnson, (long since projected for the 
defence of the harbor,) the foundation of which is but just laid. "When 
finished, some years hence, I trust it may long be regarded, both by South 
Carolina and the other States, as one of the bulwarks of our common 
coast, 

" There is nothing in this letter intended to be confidential, nor intended 
for the public press. When I commenced it I only designed giving utter- 
ance to private sentiments, unconnected with public events; but my heart 
being filled with grief on account of the latter, my pen has run a little in- 
to that distress. Let ns, however, hope for more cheering times. Yet, be 
this as it may, and whetber our duties be several or common, I shall al- 
ways have a place in my bosom for the private affections, and tliat I may 
ever stand in the old relation to you, is the sincere wish of your friend, 

"WiKFiELD Scott." 

The Lav7 of Treason. 

On tlie 14th of January Judge Smalley, of the IT. S. Circuit Court for 
the southern district of New York, delivered the following important 
charge to the Grand Jury : 

Gentlemex of the Grand Jury — The Court has requested your at- 
tendance this morning in order to call your attention, and give you some 
instructions in relation to crimes which have long been unknown in our 
hitherto peaceful and happy country, which for more than fifty years the 
federal Courts have not been called upon to investigate, and which are 
therefore very imperfectly understood in the community. Yet one of 
them is the highest crime known to the law in any civilized country. It 
is that of high treason, Eecent painful events make it the duty of the 
Court to define to you what constitutes the offence, and also Avhat consti- 
tutes the lesser crime of misprison of treason, that you may inquire 
whether either have been committed by any person or persons within the 
jurisdiction of this Court, and if you are satisfied that either have, that 
they may be presented to the Court to be dealt with according to law. 

And also that those who desire to be good and true citizens may be 
forewarned, and not ignorantly and unwittingly be led into the commis- 
sion of any acts in violation of the laws of their country, which would 
make them guilty of either of those offences. It is unnecessary at this 
time to enter into an elaborate disquisition of the law of treason. The 
Constitution of the United States clearly defines in what it consists. The 
third section of the third article provides, " that treason against the United 
States shall consist only in levying -war aginst them, or in adhering to 
their enemies, giving them aid and comfoi't." Again, the same section 
provides that " the Congress shall have power to declare the punishment 
of treason." 

In pursuance of the power thus conferred. Congress passed an act, 
which was approved April 30, 1790, which provided in section one, "that 
if any person or persons owing allegiance to the United States of America, 
shall levy war against them, or shall adhere to their enemies, giving them 
aid and comfort within the United States or elsewhere, and sliall be thereof 
convicted, on confession in open court or on the testimony of two witnesses 
to the same overt act of treason, whereof he or they shall stand indicted, 
such person or persons shall be adjudged guilty of treason against the 
United States, and shall suffer death." 

Sec. 2. That if any person or persons having knowledge of the com- 
mission of any of the treasons aforesaid, shall conceal, and not, as soon aa 
may be, disclose and make known the same to the " President of the 



V8 THE LAW OP TREASON. 

United States, or some one of the Judges thereof, or to the President or 
Governor of a particular State, or some one of the Judges or Justices 
thereof, such person or persons, on convictit)n, shall be adjudged guilty of 
misprision of treason, and shall he imprisoned not exceeding seven years, 
and fined not exceeding one thousand dollars." 

It is said that war — civil war — exists in portions of the Union. That 
persons owing allegiance to the United States have confederated to- 
gether, and with arms, by force and intimidation, have prevented the 
execution of the constitutional acts of Oimgress, have forcibly seized upon 
and hold a custom-house and post-office, forts, arsenals, vessels, and other 
property belonging to the United States, and have actually fired upon ves- 
sels bearing the United States flag, and carrying United States troops. 

This is a usurpation of the authority of tlie Federal Government; it is 
high treason by levying war. Either one of these acts will constitute high 
treason. There can be no doubt of it. 

The fact that any or all engaged in the commission of these outrageous 
acts, acted under the pretended authority of the Legislature, or a conven- 
tion of the people of any State, or of the officers appointed thereby, or act- 
ing thereunder, does not change nor aflfect the criminal character of the 
act. 

No man or hody of men can throw off their allegiance to their Govern- 
ment in that way. Nor can any State, or the people of any State, acting 
in any capacity whatever, absolve any person therefrom. 

Neither South Carolina nor any other State can authorize, or legally 
protect citizens of the other States in levying war against their Govern- 
ment, any more than can the Queen of Great Britain or the Emperor of 
France. 

If any such power is assumed, it is without right, and the deluded in- 
dividual who acts under it, is none the less guilty of treason, and liable to 
be punished therefor. That the slaveholding States have just cause of 
coraphiints against some of their sister States, is lamentably too true; 
that the Legislatures of several States have passed acts which are in direct 
conflict with one of the plainest provisions of the Constitution of tho 
United States, which acts were intended to deprive the slaveholding States 
of riglits expressly guaranteed to, and important to them, is well known. 

This is greatly to be regretted; and it is hoped and believed that the 
soher second thought of the people of those States will induce them to do 
justice to themselves as well as to their Southern bretliren, and evince 
their loyalty to the Constitution and Union, by wiping all such acts from 
their statute books. 

But the fact tliat some of the States have passed unconstitutional acts, 
can afi:ord no justification for rebellion and civil war, or a breaking up of 
our Federal Union, which was formed' by the patriotism and wisdom, con- 
ciliation and compromise of our fathers, in which our pi'ospcrity as a peo- 
ple has been unparalleled in the history of nations. 

Such legislative act^^, however, are not laws. Being in violation of tho 
Constitution of the United States, they are mere nnllities, and all who at- 
tempt to enforce them are themselves violators of the law, and can be, and 
in some instances, have been punished as such. 

What overt acts, then, constitute treason? A mere conspiracy to sub- 
vert by force the Government, however flagitious the crime may be, is not 
treason. To conspire to levy war, and actually levying war, are distinct 
oflfences. 

If a body of people conspire and meditate an insurrection to resist or 
oppose the laws of the United States by force, they are only guilty of a 
high misdemeanor; but if they proceed to carry such intention into exe- 
cution by force, they are guilty of treason by levying war. 



THE LATV OF TREASON. 79 

In the language of Chief Justice Marshall — "It is not tlie intention of 
the Court to say that no individual can be guilty of this crime who has 
not ajjpeared in arms against his country. 

" On the contrary, if war be actually levied — that is, if a body of men 
be actually assembled for the purpose of effecting, by force, a treasonable 
purpose, all those who perform any part, however minute, or however re- 
mote from the scene of action, and who are actually leagued in the gen- 
eral conspiracy, are to be considered as traitors." 

As the Court have already said to you, the combination and assem- 
blage of a body of men with the design of seizing, .and the actual seizing of 
the forts and other public property in and near Charleston, South Caro- 
lina, and in some other States, is a levying of war against the United 
States. 

Consequently, any and every person who engages therein, is by the 
law regarded as levying war against the United States ; and all tcho ad- 
here to them are to be regarded as enemies, and all who give them aid and 
comfort in South Carolina or New York\ or in any other portion of the 
United States or elsewhere, come within the express provisions of the 1st 
section of the act of 30th April, 1790, and are guilty of treason. 

What amounts to adhering to, and giving aid and comfort to our ene- 
mies, it is somewhat ditiicult in all cases to define ; but certain it is, that 
furnishing them with arras, or munitions of war, vessels, or other means 
of transportation, or any materials which will aid the traitors in carrying 
out their traitorous purpose?, with a knowledge that they are intended for 
such purposes, or inciting and encouraging others to engage in or aid the 
traitors in any way, does come within the provisions of tlie act. And it 
is immaterial whether such acts are induced by sympathy with the rebel- 
lion, hostility to the government, or a desire for gain. 

Under the second section of the act of 1790, all who have any knowl- 
edge of any such acts of treason, and do not, as soon as possible, make it 
known in the manner therein prescribed, are guilty of misprision of trea- 
son, and subject to the punishment therefor. 

Your inquiries must be confined to ofi'euces committed within the ju- 
risdiction of this Court — that is, within the southern district of New York, 
and upon the high seas. Although there may be a question, whether the 
jurisdiction of the Court, in such cases, is not more extended, you will, for 
the present, confine your investigations to the limits prescribed. "Within 
this limit, it is your right and your duty to inquire whether any person or 
persons have been, according to the jirinciples of law laid down by the 
Court, guilty of treason or misprision of treason; and if you are satisfied 
that either of these offences have been committed, to faithfully and fear- 
lessly present the offenders, that they may be punished. 

It is the duty, and it will unquestionably be the desire of all good and 
true citizens, to do, in their respective spheres, every thing in their power 
to suppress rebellion, expose treason, and bring traitors to justice. 

"When the Grand Jury were in the other day, one of tlie members of 
your body submitted certain questions to the Court, which I shall now 
proceed to answer. " First. Whether it is the duty of the Grand Jury to 
inquire into violations of the law Avhich may be incidentally brought to 
their knowledge, and which have not been presented by the District At- 
torney, and which he had i:o knowledge of." In reply to that, the Court 
would tay, gentlemen, that you are not necessarily confined to offences to 
which your attention may be called by the prosecuting officer. 

If any one of you have reason to believe that any of the laws of tho 
Federal Government have been violated, you are at hberty to inquire into 
the matter, whether or not your attention has been called to it by the 
District Attorney. Unquestionably you have a right to make the investi- 



80 THE VIRGINIA COMMISSIONERS. 

gation. The second inquiry is, " Whether it is expected of the Jury to 
examine into the detention of felons and witnesses as to their safety, treat- 
ment, and comfort, and as to whether any persons are kept an unwarrant- 
able time before trial." 

The tiiird inquiry is, " Whether it is expected tbat the Grand Jury 
would present such defects in the practice in the Custom House as render 
it easy for the clearance of vessels for tLe slave trade." With respectto 
that, "gentlemen, it may be well to consider for a moment what is the ju- 
risdiction of the federal courts. First, then, they can only inquire into the 
violations of the federal laws. The federal courts have no common law 
criminal jurisdiction, and they therefore have no jurisdiction over otiences 
that are not created by the Constitution, or some act of Congress under 
the Constitution. 

I understand that it is the duty of the Grand Jury to inquire into all 
matters that are brought before their notice by the prosecuting officer. 
That is well understood. It is well known that Enghsh Grand Jurors liave 
oftentimes, and probably it is a part of the common law of England, in- 
quired into such matters ; but the Court is not aware of any statute of 
the Constitution, or of any practice in federal courts which would make it 
the duty of Grand Juries to inquire into and investigate matters embodied 
in either of these questions. 

The Court does not intend to say that you may not make such inquiry, 
but then it is outside of your judicial duties, and if you make a report to 
the Court, I have no power to act, and can do notliing more than file it 
with tlie records of the Court ; and therefore it cannot be regardrd as the 
duty of Grand Juries in federal courts to make these inquiries. 

You will now retire, gentlemen, and proceed with the business before 
you. 



The Virginia Commissioners. 

Eminent men whom Virginia has appointed to meet Commissioners 
from the States at Washington. 

EX-PEESIDENT JOHX TYLEK 

Was born in Charles City county, Virginia, in 1790 ; was elected to the 
legislature at the age of twenty-one, and subsequently was sent to Con- 
gress from liis distri'ct. In 1826 he was chosen Governor of the State ; was 
then elected to the United States Senate. In 1840 he was elected Vice- 
President of the United States. The death of General Harrison raised 
him to the chief magistracy of the Kepublic. His term of ofiice expired in 
1845, since which time he has been living in retirement on his estate in 
Charles City county. 

HON. WILLIAM O. EIYES 

Was born in Nelson county, Virginia, 1793 ; was aide-de-camp in 1814 and 
1815 with a body of militia and volunteers called out for the defence of 
Virginia; was several times elected to the legislature from his native 
county, Albemarle ; served for three successive terms as representative 
in Congress, commencing in 1823. In 1829 he was appointed by President 
Jackson Minister to France. On his return in 1832, he was elected Sen- 
ator in Congress, and resigned in 1834; was re-elected in 1835, and 
served until 1845. In 1849 he was a second time appointed Minister to 
France, and returned in 1853, when he finally retired from political life. 
He resides in the county of Albemarle. 



HON. D. F. JAMIESON. 81 



JUDGE JOHN TV. BEOCKENBHOTTGn 



Was born in RicLmond, Virginia, about tlie year 1804, and reinoved to 
EockbridgG county in 1836. lie is an accomplisbed lawyer, and was ap- 
pointed Judge of the United States Court for tbe Western District of 
Virginia, by President Polk, in 1846, ■which office he still holds. 

HON. GEOEGE W. 8UMMEE8 

Was born in Fairfax county, Virginia. He represented Kanawha county 
in the Legislature several years, and served two terms in Congress, com- 
mencing in 1841. He was a member of the convention of 1850, which 
framed the present constitution of Virginia. In 1851 he was the Whig 
candidate for Governor. In May, 1852, he was elected Judge of the 18th 
Circuit, and having served in that capacity for six years, he resigned his 
office July 1st, 185'8. 

nON. JAMES A. 6EDD0N 

Is a Virginian of acknowledged abilities, whose public career has been 
confined to a service of two terms in Congress, as representative from 
the Metropolitan district, viz. : in 1845-'47 and 1849-'51. He is about 
fifty years of age. 



Hon. D. F. Jamieson 

Was born some fifty-two years ago in Orangeburg district, South Carolina. 
His ancestors, a few generations back, were Scotch and German. Some 
of them acquired a local distinction as partisan leaders in the Revolution. 
Mr. Jamieson inherited from his parents a handsome property, enough for 
independence. He is a graduate of South Carolina College. Shortly after 
leaving college he was admitted to the bar, but soon retired from practice. 
He was then elected to the State Legislature, and continued to be returned 
to his seat, year after year. He for many years held the commission of 
Brigadier-General in the State service, and had command of a splendid 
brigade of cavalry, in which branch of the military service he took delight. 
In literature Mr. Jamieson has an honestly earned, though necessarily 
limited reputation. For the past three years his attention has been en- 
gaged upon a work, entitled " A History of the Life and Times of Bertrand 
de Guesclin," the well-known hero of France, and in his day the best 
representative of its chivalry. 

In 1860 Mr. Jamieson removed from Orangeburg to Barnwell district, 
and became the next-door neighbor of the distinguished Southern poet, 
historian, and novelist, W. Gilmore Simms. On the 6th day of December 
last the people of Barnwell elected him to be their representative in the 
sovereign convention of South Carolina. Mr. Jamieson was chosen presi- 
dent of that memorable body, and now holds the position of Secretary of 
War to the Palmetto Republic. 

Mr., or, as he is more commonly called, General Jamieson, is a cotton 
planter, and has a fine estate of two thousand acres, worked by some 
seventy negroes. As a man he is gentle, unaffected, and earnest. From 
an extensive course of reading he possesses resources Avhich make him 
quite at home in all topics of literature, politics, and sociology. He has a 
clear, vigorous, and comprehensive mind; but, lacking in brilliancy, his 
logic seldom calls for aid to the faculties of fancy and imagination. With 
morals unstained by reproach, with a character guiltless of blemish, no 
man is more highly esteemed by all who know liira than General D. F. 
Jamieson. 

6 



82 COMPROMISE MEASURES. 

Compromise Measures. 

THE BORDER STATE PLAN. 

The plan of settlement proposed by Mr. Etheridge, of Tennessee, is 
known as the " Border State Plan." It is as follows : 

First. — Congress shall have no power to regulate or control, within the 
States, the relations established or recognized by the law of any State i"e- 
specting persons held to service or labor. • 

Second. — Congress shall have no power to interfere with or abolish 
Slavery in the navy yards, arsenals, forts or other places ceded to the 
United States ; nor the relations recognized by the laws of any State within 
which such places are situated, respecting persons held to service or labor. 

Third. — Congress shall have no power to interfere with or abolish the 
relations recognized by the laws of the District of Columbia respecting 
persons held to service or labor, without the consent of the States of 
Maryland and Virginia, and also the consent of the inhabitants of said 
District, and without making just compensation in the premises. 

Fourth. — Congress shall have no power to prohibit the removal or 
transportation from one State to another of persons held to service or 
labor. 

Fifth. — The immigration or importation from abroad of persons held to 
service or labor, for life or for a term of years, or of persons intended to 
be so held and carried to any of the States or Territories belonging to the 
United States, is perpetually prohibited, and Congress shall pass all laws 
necessary to make said prohibition effective. 

Sixth. — No territory beyond the present limits of the Territories of the 
United States shall hereafter be acquired or annexed to the United States, 
unless the same be done by the concurrent vote of two-thirds of both 
Houses of Congress, or the same be acquired by treaty by a vote of two- 
thirds of the Senate. 

Seventh. — The second section of the fourth article of the Constitution 
shall be so amended as to read as follows : Persons charged with any State 
offence, felony, or particular crime against any of the said States, who 
shall escape from justice, and who shall be found in another State, shall, 
on demand of the Executive authority of the State from which he tied, be 
delivered up or be returned to the State having jurisdiction of the crime 
of which he is charged. 

Eighth. — The first section of the second article of the Constitution 
shall be so amended as to provide as follows: Each State shall appoint 
by its Legislature two electors of President and Vice-President of the 
United States, and an additional number of such electors, equal to the whole 
number of members from each State in the House of Representatives, 
shall be respectively chosen by the voters of each Congressional district 
into which the State is divided. 

MR. CORWIX'S PLAN. 

The plan of settlement proposed by Mr. Oorvvin, chairman of the 
committee of thirty-three, is the immediate admission of New Mexico as 
a State, Mr. C. assuming that, as Slavery is already established in the ter- 
ritory, it will be recognized in the Constitution of the new State. It is 
also proposed to amend the fugitive slave law, so as to relieve citizens from 
service in capturing fugitive slaves, &c. It is also recommended that States 
pass laws to suppress publications intended to promote slave insurrec- 
tions, &o, 

MR. EOBINSOn's plan. 

Whereas, The government of the Territories has long been a disturbing 



MAJOR ANDERSON'S EXPLANATION. 83 

element in our national councils, and has of late given rise to political di- 
visions that appear to admit of no compromise, and to threaten the integ- 
rity of the Union — one party insisting that the General Government shall 
protect Slavery in the Territories, another that it shall prohibit, and still 
another that it shall not interfere in any way or the other ; and whereas 
all parties loyal to the Constitution and Union, agree that each State has 
the sole and exclusive power of determining its own domestic institutions ; 
therefore, to the end that this impediment to our national harmony be 
forever removed ; 

Sesolced, (if the Senate concur,) That our Senators and Representa- 
tives in Congress be requested to use their influence, after the admission 
of Kansas as a State on her present application, to divide all the remain- 
ing territory so as to form two States, to be admitted as States of this 
Union, as soon as the inhabitants thereof shall adopt State Constitutions, 
Republican in form. 

Resolved^ (if the Senate concur,) That these resolutions, with the voice 
of the Legislature thereon, be forthwith transmitted by the Governor of 
this State to our Senators and Representatives in Congress, and to the 
Governors of the several States of this Union. 

A Game of Euchre. 

South Carolina and James Buchaman against Major Anderson and 

General Scott. 

South Carolina deals and turns up the Ten of Spades (niggers) — Gen. 
Scott passes — James Buchanan, having the best Bower, assists South 
Carolina. They play, and the old General, having a good hand, draws 
James Buchanan's best Bower, and takes three tricks. He euchres him. 

Major Anderson now deals and turns up Hearts — James Buchanan 
passes — Major Anderson turns down Hearts, reluctantly — Buchanan 
passes again — Gen. Scott passes again — South Carolina passes — Major 
Anderson makes Cluls trumps and plays it alone. The hand is played — 
the Major makes a march, and James Buchanan and South Carolina are 
skunked. 

Programme of the Southern Congress. 

The programme laid down for the Southern Congress is this : — First, a 
provisional government ; second, treaties with the United States and 
" other foreign" countries ; third, decisive legislation in regard to the negro ; 
and fourthly, decision as to what States shall constitute the Confederacy. 
In this latter subject all concur that no free State shall be admitted, and 
if any State shall afterwards abolish slavery she shall be excluded from the 
Confederacy. 

Major Anderson's Explanation. 

The following letter from Major Anderson, explains the circumstances 
that prevented the succor of the Star of the West when she attempted to 
enter the harbor of Charleston : 

FoET SuMTEE, Jan. 11, 1861. 

"Whether a bloodless separation can now be effected after her (South 
Carolina) foolishly firing upon a vessel bearing our flag, the other day, I 
think very doubtful. I teas sorely tempted to open my battery, but, per- 
haps fortunately for the chance of having matters settled without blood- 
shed, I could not have touched the battery that opened upon her, and my 
defences were just then in such, a condition that I could not have opened the 
war. I am now nearly ready. The people have supposed that this work 



84 CAPTUEED FORTS. 

"was ready to be defended wlieu I came in. It was far from it, and it 
would take me, even now one week's hard work to have it in a complete 
state. My command is only about one-eighth of what it should be in 
time of war — but, though small in number, I feel strong in the confidence 
that Providence will guard and guide me safely through any danger that 
may threaten. 

Yours, sincerely, 

Robert Anderson. 

Captured Forts, 

Thus far seized by order of the Governors of the States in which they are 
respectively located : 

Fortifications— Location. Guns. Cost, 

Fort Pulaski, Savannah 150 $923,859 

Fort Jackson, " 14 125,000 

Fort Morgan, Mobile 132 1,212,556 

Fort Gaines " 89 20,000 

Fort Macon, Beaufort, N. C 51 460,000 

Fort Caswell, Oak Island, N. C 87 671,231 

Fort Moultrie, Charleston 54 75,301 

Castle Pinckney, Charleston 25 43, 809 

Fort St. Philip, Louisiana 124 203,734 

Fort Jackson, Louisiana 150 817,608 

Fort Pike, " 49 472,901 

FortMcComV " 49 477,000 

Fort Livingston " 52 842,000 

Fort McRea, ilorida 151 384,000 

Fort Barrancas, " 49 315,000 

Redoubt, " 26 100,000 

Total 1262 $6,512,089 

The following are still in the hands of the "Washington authorities : — 
Fort McHenry, Baltimore, Md. ; Fort Washington on the Potomac, Md. ; 
Fort Monroe, at Old Point Comfort, Va. ; Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor, 
S. 0. ; Key West Barracks, Key West, Fla. ; Fort Pickens, Pensacola, 
Fla. ; Fort Marion, St. Augustine, Fla. 



CONSTITUTION 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 



Feamed by Convention of Delegates from New nAMPsniRE, Massa- 
chusetts, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, 
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Geor- 
gia, at Philadelphia, September ITth, 1787. 

We, the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect 
uuion, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the com- 
mon defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of lib- 
erty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitu- 
tion for the United States of America. 

ARTICLE I. 

Section 1. 

1. All Legislative j)owers herein granted, shall be vested in a Congress 
of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Eep- 
resentatives. 

Section 2. 

1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen 
every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in 
each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most 
numerous branch of the State Legislature. 

2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to 
the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United 
States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in 
which he shall be chosen. 

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the 
several States which may be included within this Union, according to 
their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the 
wliole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term 
of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. 
The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first 
nieeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subse- 
quent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The 
number of Representatives shall not exceed one for everj^ thirty thousand, 
but each State shall have at least one Representative ; and until such 
enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled 
to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plan- 
tations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylva- 
nia eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten. North Carolina five. 
South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 

4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the 
Executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacan- 
cies. 

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other 
ofiicers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 



86 constitution of the united states of america. 

Section 3. 

1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators 
from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years ; and each 
Senator shall have one vote. 

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first 
election, they shall be divided, as equally as may be, into three classes. The 
seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of 
the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, 
and the third class at the expiration of the sixth year; so that one- 
third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by 
resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any 
State, the Executive thereof may make temporary appointments until 
the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 

3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained the age 
of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and 
who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he 
shall be chosen. 

4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the 
Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 

5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President j^ro 
tempore^ in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise 
the office of President of the United States. 

6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. 
"When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or aflirmation. AVhen 
the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside ; 
and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds 
of the members present. 

7. Judgment, in cases of impeachment, shall not extend further than 
to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of 
honor, trust, or profit, under the United States ; but the party convicted 
shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, 
and punishment, according to law. 

Section 4. 

1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and 
Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature there- 
of; but the Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regula- 
tions, except as to the places of choosing Senators. 

2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such 
meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by 
law appoint a diflPerent day. 

Section 5. 

1. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifi- 
cations of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a 
quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to 
day, and may be authorized to compel the attendauce of absent members, 
in such manner and under such penalties as each House may provide. 

2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its 
members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, 
expel a member. 

3 Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and, from time to 
time, publish the same, excepting such parts as may, in their judgment, 
require secrecy ; and the ygas and nays of the members of either House, 
on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered 
on the journal. 

4. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the 
consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other 
place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. 



constitution of the united states of america. 87 

Section 6. 

1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for 
their services, to be ascertained hj law, and paid out of the treasury of the 
United States. They shall, in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach 
of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the ses- 
sion of their respective Houses, and in going to, and returning from, the 
same ; and for any speech or debate, in either House, they shall not be ques- 
tioned in any other place. 

2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he 
was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the 
United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof 
shall have been increased, during such time ; and no person holding any 
office under the United States, shall be a member of either House during 
his continuance in office. 

Section 7. 

1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Represen- 
tatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments, as on 
other bills. 

2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives 
and the Senate shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President 
of the United States. If he approve, he shall sign it; but if not, he shall 
return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have 
originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, 
and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds 
of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together 
with the objections, to tlie other House, by which it shall likewise 
be reconsidered, and, if approved by two-thirds of that House, it 
shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses 
shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the per- 
sons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each 
House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President 
within ten days (Sunday excepted) after it shall have been presented to 
him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless 
the Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return, in which case it 
shall not be a law. 

3. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Sen- 
ate and House of Representatives may be necessary, (except on a question 
of adjournment,) shall be presented to the President of the United States ; 
and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or, being 
disapproved by him, shall be re passed by two-thirds of the Senate and 
House of Representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed 
in the case of a bill. 

Section 8. 

The Congress shall have power — 

1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the 
debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare, of the 
United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform 
throughout the United States : 

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States : 

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several 
States, and with the Indian tribes : 

4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on 
the subject of bankruptcies, throughout the United States : 

5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and 
fix the standard of weights and measures : 



88 CONSTITUTION OP THE UJSTrED STATES OF AMEBICA, 

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and 
current coin of the United States : 

7. To establish post offices and post roads: 

8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing, for 
limited times, to; authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their re- 
spective writings and discoveries : 

9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court : 

10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high 
seas, and offences against the law of nations : 

11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make 
rules concerning captures on land and water : 

12. To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to 
that use shall be for a longer term than two years : 

13. To provide and maintain a navy : 

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and 
naval forces : 

15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the 
Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions : 

16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, 
and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service 
of the United States, reserving to the States respectively the appointment 
of "the officers, and the authority of training the militia, according to the 
discipline prescribed by Congress : 

17. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such 
district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular 
States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of 
the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased 
by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, 
for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock -yards, and other need- 
ful buildings : And 

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying 
into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this 
Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any depart- 
ment or officer thereof. 

Section 9. 

1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States, 
now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the 
Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight ; but a 
tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dol- 
lars for each person. 

2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, 
unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may re- 
quire it. 

3. No bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be passed. 

4. N"o capitation or other direct tax shall be laid unless in proportion 
to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. 

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. 
No preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, 
to the ports of one State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound 
to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another, 

6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of 
appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the 
receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time 
to time. 

7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States; and no 
person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the 
consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title 
of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. 



conititution of the united states op america. 89 

Section 10. 

' 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant 
letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make 
any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass 
any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of 
contracts ; or grant any title of nobility. 

2. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any imposts or 
duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary 
for executing its inspection laws ; and the net produce of all duties and 
imposts laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the 
treasury of the United States ; and all such laws shall be subject to the 
revision and control of the Congress. No State shall, without the con- 
sent of Congress, lay any duty on tonnage, keep troops or ships of war 
in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State 
or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in 
such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. 



ARTICLE II. 

Section 1. » 

1. The Executive power shall be vested in a President of the United 
States of America. lie shall hold his olfice duiiiig the term of four years, 
and together with the Vice-President, chosen for the snmc term, be elect- 
ed as follows: 

2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature tliereof 
may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators 
and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; 
but no Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or 
profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector. 

3. [Annulled. See Amendments, Art. 12.] 

4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and 
the day on which they shall give their votes, which day shall be the same 
throughout the United States. 

5. No person, except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen of the United 
States at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to 
the office of President : neither shall any person be eligible to that office 
who shall not have attained the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen 
years a resident within the United States. 

6. In case of the removal of the President £i'om office, or of his death, 
resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said of- 
fice, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may 
by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability 
both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall 
then act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the dis- 
ability be removed, or a President elected. 

7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a com- 
pensation, which shall be neither increased nor diminished during the 
period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive 
within that period any other emolument from the United States or any of 
them. 

8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the 
touowing oath or affirmation: — 

9. " I do solemnly swear (or affirin) that I will faithfully execute the 
office of President of the United Str'. ." r.rd will, to the best of my abil- 
ity, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." 



90 constitution of the united states of america, 

Section 2. 

1. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy 
of the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called 
into the actual service of the United States ; he may require the opinion, 
in writing, of the principal officers in each of the executive departments, 
upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he 
shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the 
United States, except in cases of impeachment. 

2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present con- 
cur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate, shall appoint ambassadors,other public ministers, and consuls, judges 
of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose 
appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be 
established by law; but the Congress may by law vest the appointment 
of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in 
the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 

3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may 
happen, during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, which 
shall expire at the end of their next session. 

* Section 3. 

1. He sliall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of 
the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such meas- 
ures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordi- 
nary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in case of 
disagreement between them, witli respect to the time of adjournment, 
he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall re- 
ceive ambassadors and other public ministers ; he shall take care that 
the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of 
the United States. 

Section 4. 

1. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United 
States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction 
of treason, bribery, or other high crimes or misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE HI. 

Section 1. 

The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Su- 
preme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time 
to time ordain and establish. The judges both of the Supreme and in- 
ferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at 
stated times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall not 
be diminished during their continuance in office. 

Section 2. 

1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, 
arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, and trea- 
ties made, or which shall be made, under their authority ; to all cases 
affecting ambassadors, either public ministers and consuls; to all cases 
of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the 
United States shall be a party; to controversies between two or more 
States, between a State and citizens of another State, between citizens 
of different States, between citizens of the same State claiming lauds 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 91 

under grants of different States, and between a State, or the citizens 
there, and foreign States, citizens, or subjects. 

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and con- 
suls, and those in -which a State shall bo a party, the Supreme Court 
shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, 
the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and 
fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations, as the Congress 
shall make. 

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by 
jury ; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall 
have been committed ; but when not committed within any State, the 
trial shaU be at such place, or places, as the Congress may by law have 
directed. 

Section 3. 

1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying 
war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and 
comfort. 1^0 person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony 
of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 

2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of trea- 
son, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or for- 
feiture, except during the life of the person attainted. 

ARTICLE IV. 
Section 1. 

1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, 
records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress 
may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, 
and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 

Section 2. 

1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and 
immunities of citizens in the several States. 

2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, 
who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on de- 
mand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be de- 
livered up to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 

3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws 
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regula- 
tion therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be deliv- 
ered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. 

Section 3. 

1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union, but 
no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any 
other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more 
States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislature of the 
States concerned, as well as of the Congress. 

2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful 
rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging 
to the United States ; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed 
as to prejudice any claims of the United States or of any particular State. 

Section 4. 

1. The United States shall guarantee to every State in the Union a re- 
publican form of govci'iiment. and sIimII protect c;ich of thorn against 



92 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 

invasion, and, on application of the Legislature, or of the executive, (when 
the Legislature cannot be convened,) against domestic violence. 

AETICLE V. 

The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it neces- 
sary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application 
of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a conven» 
tion for proposing amendments, which in either case shall be valid to all 
intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the 
Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by conventions in 
three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be 
proposed by the Congress ; provided that no amendment which may be 
made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall in any 
manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first 
article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its 
equal suffrage in the Senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 

1. All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the 
adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States 
under this Constitution as under the confederation. 

2. This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be 
made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, 
under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of 
the land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby ; any 
thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the contrary notwith- 
standing. 

3. The Senators and Eepresentatives before mentioned, and the mem- 
bers of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial oflS- 
cers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound 
by oath or affirmation to support tins Constitution ; but no religious test 
shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under 
the United States. 

ARTICLE VII. 

The ratifications of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient 
for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying 
the same. 



AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 



ARTICLE I. 

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, 
or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of 
speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, 
and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. 



AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 93 

ARTICLE 11. 

A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, 
the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 

ARTICLE TIL 

No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without 
the consent of the owner ; nor, in time of war, but in a manner to bo 
prescribed by law. 

ARTICLE IV. 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, i)apers, 
and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be vio- 
lated; and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by 
oath or afBrmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, 
and the persons or things to be seized. 

ARTICLE V. 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous 
crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in 
cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual 
service, in time of war, or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject, 
for the same offence, to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall 
be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself, nor be 
deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor 
shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation. 

ARTICLE VI. 

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a 
speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district 
wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have 
been previously ascertained by law ; and to be informed of the nature 
and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against 
him ; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor ; 
and to liave the assistance of counsel for his defence. 

ARTICLE VIL 

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy exceeds 
twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact, 
tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United 
States, than according to the rules of the common law. 

ARTICLE VIII. 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor 
cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 

ARTICLE IX. 

The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be con- 
strued to deny or disparage others retained by the people. 

ARTICLE X. 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, 
nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, 
or to the people. 



94 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 

ARTICLE XI. 

The judicial power of the United States shall not be coDstrued to ex- 
tend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one 
of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects 
of any foreign State. 

ARTICLE XIL 

1. The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by bal- 
lot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be 
an inhabitant of the same State witb themselves ; they shall name in 
their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the 
person voted for as Vice-President ; and they shall make distinct lists of 
all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice- 
President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall 
sign, and certifj', and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the government of 
the United States, directed to the President of the Senate ; the President 
of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; 
the person having tlie greatest number of votes for President shall be the 
President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors 
appointed; and if no person have such majority, then, from the persons 
having the higliest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those 
voted fur as President, tlie House of Representatives shall choose im- 
mediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the 
votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having 
one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or mem- 
bers from two- thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be 
necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not 
choose a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, 
before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President 
sliall act as President, as in case of the death, or other constitutional dis- 
ability, of the President. 

2. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President 
shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole 
number of electors appointed ; and if no person have a majority, then 
from the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the 
Vice-President ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of 
the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall 
be necessary to a choice. 

3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President 
shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. 

ARTICLE XIII. 

If any citizen of the United States shall accept, claim, receive, or re- 
tain any title of nobility or honor, or shall without the consent of Con- 
gress, accept or retain any present, pension, office, or emolument of any 
kind whatever, from any emperor, king, prince, or foreign power, such 
person shall cease to be a citizen of the United States, and shall be in- 
capable of holding any office of trust or profit under them, or either of 
them. 



ONTENTS. 



PAGE 

Introduction, .... 3 

The Primary Cause, . . .4 
.,-' Secession of South Carolina, . . 4 
Ordinance of Secession of S. C, . 6 
Declaration of Independence of S. C, 7 
Effects' of Secession, . . .9 

Major Anderson's Coup de Etat, . 10 
Forts of South Carolina, . . .10 
Range of Columbiad Shell Guns, . 11 
Major Anderson's Instructions, . 12 

Attack on the Star of the West, . 14 
Correspondence between Anderson 

and Gov. Pickens, . . .15 
South Carohna War Tax, . . 16 
Resignation of Secretary Floyd, . 16 

V Secession of Georgia, . . .17 
^.Capture of the Augusta Arsenal, . 18 

V Secession of Alabama, . . .19 
Defences of Mobile, . . .20 

'•Secession of Florida, . . .21 
Fortifications of Florida, . . 22 

Secession of Mississippi, . . .23 
■ / Secession of Louisiana, . . .25 
Fortifications of Louisiana, . . 26 
The action of Virginia, . . .27 

The New Year 27 

Crittenden, Missouri, aud Bigler 

Compromises, . . . .28 
Special Message of President Bu- 
chanan, . , . . .29 
Message of Governor Morgan, . 33 

Miscellaneous Messages, . . .34 
Congressional and State Resolutions, 36 
President Buchanan's second Special 

Message, . . . .39 

Charges of Treason, . . .40 

Valedictory of Governor Gist, . , 41 
Clinching the Nail, . . . .42 
Sketch of General Scott, . . 42 

Resignation of Secretary Thompson, 43 
Sketch of Major Anderson, . . 44 
Sketch of Gov. Pickens of S. C. . 45 



Fortifications in the Southern States, 45 
Sketch of Lieut. A. J. Slemmer, . 48 
Dream of John C. Calhoun, . . 49 
Navy of the United States, . . 51 

Resignations from the U. S. Navy, . 51 
Sketch of Captain Walker of the 

Brooklyn, . . . .52 
Louisiana Sugar Duties, . . .53 
Distribution of Arms among the 

Slave States, . . , .53 
" Thirty-Six Thirty," . . .53 
Population of the Southern States, . 54 
Debts of the Seceding States, . . 54 
New Fugitive Slave Law, . . 54 
Benjamin Franklin on the Crisis of 

1783, 55 

President Jackson's Nullification Pro- 
clamation, . . . .56 
The British Government on Seces- 
sion, 62 

Trade and Shipping of Southern 

Ports, 64 

The Sentiment in Baltimore, . . 66 
Does not Victoria own S. Carolina ? 66 
The New Orleans Marine Hospital, 67 
Secretary Holt and Gov. Ellis, . 68 

A National Litany, . . .68 

A Fort Retaken, . . . .69 
Gen. Scott's Agency in Suppressing 
Nullification in South Carolina 

in 1832, 70 

The Law of Treason, . . .77 
The Virginia Commissioners, . . 80 
Hon. D. F. Jamieson, . . .81 
Compromise Measures, . . .82 
A Game of Euchre, . . .83 
Programme of the Southern Con- 
gress, 83 

Major Anderson's Explanation, . 83 

Captured Forts, . . . .84 
Constitution of the United States, . 85 
Amendments to the Constitution, . 92 



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FAULKNER'S 






IN THE 



SOUTHERN STATES ; 



INCLUDING 



The Special Messages of President Buchanan— The Ordinances of 
Secession of the Six "Withdrawing States -Preliminary Steps 
taken therefor— Seizure of Forts and Arsenals— Iffeas- 
ures Coercive and Conciliatory on the part of the 
General Government— Messages of the Governors 
of States North and South — Biogrraphical 
Sketches of Leading: Men— Calhoun's Re- 
markable Dream- President Jack- 
son's Nullification Proclama- 
tion, etc., etc., etc. 



gm gorh: 

FOR SALE BY ALL BOOKSELLERS 
1861. 

ty^^C^^-^^^^J^iP^^^ JOHN fTtBOW. PRWntR, 60 QBKKNK BT., W. t7^^^^^-A^ (fZ^:: 




JOHN F. TROW, 

■Ml ft Jii niif 11, 

HAS REMOVED TO 

46, 48 & 50 6BEENE ST., NEW TOSE. 



The Proprietor of this Establishment would ask the attention of Publishers, Authoes, Statesmen, 
md others, to his extended and improved facilities for executing 

SUCH AS 

WORKS OF LAW, MEDICINE, THEOLOGY, SCIENCE; MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE; WORKS 

IN THE VARIOUS DEPARTMENTS OF CONGRESS, OR OF STATE LEGISLATURES; ALSO. 

IN FOREIGN LANGUAGES: ORIENTAL, OCCIDENTAL, ANCIENT OR MODERN, 

[n the Best style, and with such Promptness and Accoraoy as will, he presiinies, give perfect satisfac- 
tion. He would remind his patrons and the public that his Establishment is furnished with every 
ilesirable improvement in Machinery, together with new and very large fonts of Type, with which he 
Jan undertake and perfect orders from any part of the United States on the shortest given contract. 
Baving had more than thirty-five years' experience in the business, he is confident of meeting the 
tastes and expectations of all who may commit their works to his hands. 

lypE mm & DismiiTii iy nucniiiY. 

The Only Establishment in the World where Type is Set and Distributed 
by Machinery. It affords great Facility and Accuracy. 

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•50, 48, 46.'. 
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¥im 4 mum im mmiim 

Either in Colored laks, Bronzes, Flock, or Crystal, in the first style. 

The Subscriber having entirely refitted up this Department with a choice assortment ot Type and 
Boeder, and having added several of the SWIFTEST STEAM PRESSES for securing expedition, 
his customers may confidently rely on their Orders being done Promptly, Neatly, and Correctly. 



STEREOTYPINa AND ELECTROTYPING 

DONE IN THE BEST AND MOST DURABLE MANNER. 



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HOMES FOR THE INDUSTRIOUS 

IN THE 

C3-.-AJRIDE3>T ST.A.TE OF THE "V^EST. 




THE ILLINOIS CENTBAL EAILROAD CO., HAVE FOE SALE 

1,200,000 ACRES OF RICH FARMING LANDS, 

IN TRACTS OF FOETY ACRES AND UPWARD, 
ON LONG CREDIT AND AT LOW PRICES. 



rpHE attention of the enterprising and industrious portion 
-L of the community is directed to the following statements 
and liberal inducements offered them by the 

ILLINOIS ^JR&L RAILROAD COMPANY. 

which, as they wm perceive, will enable them, by proper 
energy, perseverance and industry, to provide comfortable 
homes for themselves and families, with, comparatively 
speaking, very little capital. 

LANDS OF ILLINOIS. 

Ko Stale in the Valley of the Mississippi offers so great an 
inducement to the settler as the State of Illinois , There is no 
portion of the world where all the conditions of climate and 
soil so admirably combine to produce those two great staples, 
Corn and Wheat, as the Prairies of niinois. 

EASTERN AND SOUTHERN MARKETS. 

These lands are contiguous to a railroad 700 miles in 
■length, which connects with other roads and navigable lakes 
and rivers, thus affording an unbroken communication with 
the Eastern and Southern markets. 

RAILROAD SYSTEM OF ILLINOIS. 

Over $100,000,000 of private capital have been expended 
on the railroad system of Illinois. Inasmuch as part of the 
income from several of these works, with a valuable public 
fund in lands, go to diminish the State expenses ; the taxes 
ARE UGHT, and must consequently every day decrease. 

THE STATE DEBT. . 

The State dtbt is only $10,106,398 14, and vnthin the last 
three years has been reduced $2,959,746 80, and we may rea- 
sonaMy expect that in ten years it luill become extinct. 

PRESENT POPULATION. 

The State is rapidly fiiUng up with population ; 868,025 
persons having been added since 1850, making the present 
population 1,723,663, a ratio of 102 per cent, in ten years. 

AGRICITLTIIRAL PRODUCTS. 

The Agricultural Products of Illinois are greater than those 
of any other State. The products sent out during the past year 
exceeded 1 ,500,000 tons. The wheat crop of 1860 approaches 



35,000,000 bushels, while the corn crop yields not less th 
140,000,000 bushels. 

FERTILITY OF THE SOIL. 

Nowhere can the industrious farmer secure such Imme 
ate results for his labor as upon these prairie soils, they I 
ing composed of a deep rich loam, the fertility of which 
unsurpassed by any on the globe. 

TO ACTUAL CULTIVATORS. 

Since 1854 the Company have sold 1,300,000 acres. Th 
sell only to actual cultivators, and every contract contains < 
agreement to cultivate. The road has been constructed throu 
these lands at an expense of $30,000,000. In 1850 thepopidati 
of forty -nine counties, throughwhich itpasses, was only 335,5 
since which 479,293 have been added ; making the whole pop 
lotion 814,891, a (/aiw of 143 per cent. 

EVIDENCES OF PROSPERITY. 

As an cvidcnco of the thrift of the people, it may be stat 
that 600,000 tons of freight, including 8,600,000 bushels 
grain, and 250,000 barrels of flour were forwarded over tl 
line last year. 

PRICES AND TERMS OF PAYMENT. 

The prices of those lands vary from $6 to $25 per acre, a 
cording to location, quality, &c. First class farming lam 
sell for about $10 to $12 per acre ; and the relative expen 
of subduing prairie land as compared with wood land is 
the ratio of 1 to 10 in favor of the former. The terms of sa 
for the bulk of these lands will bo 

ONE YEAR'S INTEREST IN ADVANCE, 

at six per cent per annum, and six interest notes at six pi 
cent. , payable respectively in one, two, three, four, five ar 
six years from date of sale ; and four notes for principa 
payable in four, five, six and seven years from date of sal 
the Contract stipulating thatone-tenth of the tract purchasf 
shall bo fenced and cultivated, each and every year, for fi\ 
years from date of sale, so that at the end of five years oni 
half shall bo fenced and under cultivation. 

TWENTY PER CENT. WILL BE DEDUCTED 

from the valuation for cash, except the same should be at si 
dollars per acre, when the cash price will be five dollars. 



Pamphlets descriptive of the lands, soil, climate, productions, prices, and terms of payment, can be had on appUca 
tion to 

or. -W". EOSTEI^, 

Mjand fotmntiaaioner , Mllinois Central Sailroady 

, CHICAGO, ILLINOIS. 

For the name of the Towns, Villages and Cities situated upon the Illinois Central Railroad, see pages 188, 189 am 
I 190 Appleton's Railway Guide. 



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